Remembering Deng Xiaoping
The death of Deng Xiaoping--ultimate leader, for nearly 20 years, of the
most populous nation on earth--has been anticipated for a decade. The
obituaries and histories in the world press have probably been written and
rewritten for years, waiting for the appropriate day to run. With so much
forethought, the coverage of his death here said far more about the U.S.
than it did about Deng.
Illustrative--simply because of the extraordinary level of
butt-kissing--was Thursday's series of stories in the P-I. It led with a
50-paragraph page one New York Times obit, plus four side stories inside:
"Washington state has benefited from Deng's reforms," local reactions,
Deng quotes and an content-free AP story on succession.
According to the narrative, Deng was a fearless and courageous reformer
who founded modern China, bringing enlightenment to the masses, but was
too humble to seek much central power himself. It's total horseshit.
For 60 years--during and after Mao--Deng was, with the exception of two
brief periods of internal exile, a central figure in one of the most
brutal and repressive regimes in modern human history. His role in
transforming a state every bit as justifiably despised as that of Stalin
or Hitler into one acceptable and lucrative to Western capital--while
remaining just as authoritarian and murderous--is an achievement so
sweeping it wasn't even mentioned in any of the media reviews of his
career.
In the New York Times adulation, Deng was a "wily reformer" and "an
unyielding authoritarian." You'd think he was a tough-love high school
teacher, not a mass murderer. There is a brief mention, about 30
paragraphs in, of the Tienanmen square "crackdown." As for Deng's legacy
today, there is no hint of many thousands of political prisoners in the
second largest prison system in the world (after the U.S.); no mention of
prison or private slave labor; no mentions of the numerous activist
boycotts of various Chinese-made goods; no mention of the corruption and
quick fortunes made in Deng's new capitalism via organized crime (in the
U.S. it's known as a "public-private partnership"); no mention of the
increasing poverty and famine in China's interior while a few
export-focused seaports prosper; no mention of ongoing genocide in Tibet,
the native peoples of Xinjiang, Yunnan, and other outer provinces, or the
near-war with Taiwan last year; no mention of China's key role in nuclear
proliferation, the world's largest standing army, or its insistence on
one of the most environmentally destructive and flat-out dangerous
projects in world history (the Three Gorges Dam).
Most pointedly, in two full pages of P-I coverage the issue of Most
Favored Nation trading status for China is never mentioned once. This
despite an article outlining what wonderful things China does for
Washington state's economy, a really upbeat quote from Boeing, and a
strong push by corporate America in coming months to give China permanent
MFN status so as to avoid those irritating annual hearings that point up
China's countless human rights blemishes.
Oh, yeah, Boeing. Boeing has invested the most time and money of any U.S.
corporation in lobbying for that MFN status. Boeing sells lots of jets to
Beijing and has given China generous amounts of both technology and U.S.
jobs. It projects $140 billion in new civilian sales to China over the
next 20 years (military sales projections aren't being divulged), and has
bought off the entire Washington congressional delegation (including prime
Boeing-booster Jim McDermott) to help in the MFN struggle.
While all those front-page stories on Boeing product releases in the local
papers are irritating, self-censorship in our local media is more
frequently--as here--a case of what is not discussed.
Beyond the regional corporate self-interest and the capitalist attraction
to an "untapped market" of 1.2 billion people, Deng's adoring obits also
point up a far larger and more chilling truth. There is very little
ideological difference between the leaders of a repressive Communist
government and a self-proclaimed capitalist democracy. In the same
situation, a Bill Clinton or George Bush would probably make most of the
same decisions Deng did. Business as usual in Beijing isn't all that
different from bu siness as usual in D.C.
The Soviet Union having become entangled in the Western economy long
before its dissolution, Mao's China was the last attempt by a major
nation-state to forge an economy independent of the West. That, and
raising the standard of living for China's impoverished countryside, were
the positive parts of Mao's legacy. Deng managed to dismantle those
accomplishments while keeping Mao's repressive state apparatus. No wonder
the West loved him.
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