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Dangling Conversations
Last week's Stump Talk column, linking the recent, drastic
downsizing of Greenpeace to its lack of commitment to local activism, went
to press (ironically) just as Greenpeace sprang its most dramatic and
successful action around here in many years. The 48-hour suspension of
seven activists from the Aurora Bridge, blocking outgoing ocean-going
trawler traffic, was truly a heroic act. Yet it also demonstrated--again--
how Greenpeace has isolated itself, and why, on a whole host of
environmental, social, and economic justice issues, passionate and well-
informed activists are spinning their wheels.
Five of Greenpeace's danglers, and all of the media spokespeople, were from
out of state. None spoke from first-hand knowledge of the urgent crisis in
overfishing and environmental degradation taking place in the Bering Sea
and the North Pacific--or made common cause with the people who've
witnessed it.
While the atrocities are taking place hundreds and thousands of miles away,
this is a local issue. Seattle is base for the two U.S. corporations that
dominate the North Pacific fleet: American Seafoods Corp. (a subsidiary of
Norwegian conglomerate Resource Group International), and Arctic-Alaska
Fisheries Company, purchased in 1992 by chicken mogul and Clinton pal Don
Tyson. (As a result, the White House, under Ron Brown, brokered a deal with
government insurance and the Overseas Private Investment Corp; Arctic-
Alaska now processes most of its catch in Shanghai, China, instead of
Seattle. Welcome to the global economy.)
There are literally thousands of people living here who have worked or are
working these seasonal trawlers. Any and all can attest to the long hours,
hard, messy, dangerous work, the mountains of fish guts, the indiscriminate
killing of any creatures caught up in miles-wide swaths of netting, and the
increasing use by Tyson and RGI of low-paid Vietnamese and Mexican laborers
in sweatshop-like conditions. Like forest loggers, these folks know
perfectly well that what they see is not sustainable, that it is gross
corporate abuse of the planet. Unlike rural loggers, many are already out
of the industry and willing to talk about it.
Instead, local coverage featured the Washington state AFL-CIO, which
blasted Greenpeace's action as hostile to workers. Space constraints don't
permit our usual bashing of Seattle's organized labor hierarchy, other than
to note that they're so glued to the buttocks of local corporate Democrats
and the ideology of profit-taking that it's no surprise they would take
such a line. Meanwhile, workers are being fished right out of their
remaining jobs, and exploitative creeps like Tyson and RGI could not care
less.
Had any of our cell-phoned danglers been able to state the obvious (e.g.,
"I've seen what goes on. They're full of shit."), it would have trumped
corporate apologists with a powerful message. But Greenpeace doesn't
solicit local activists or recruit allies. (A trawler survivor wanting to
help is stuck, like anyone else, calling the Seattle office, leaving a
voice mail message with a randomly selected name from the menu, since no
human contact is provided, and hoping against hope they'll call back.)
Instead, media quotes came from a young, East Coast activist who'd read
about the Bering Sea. Many people saw naive kids or an annoying publicity
stunt, not a desperate action from the heart. Media coverage of the
activists focused on the Greenpeace brand name--not the urgent need to stop
corporate rape of the oceans.
Radical political demands can't succeed using liberal tactics. Politically,
despite the spectacle, Greenpeace used a liberal appeal: a call to the
altruism of people who have no direct stake in the outcome of a political
struggle. Such tactics pluck heartstrings and even wallets, but rarely lead
to major and lasting policy change.
Moral aspects of political issues should always be pointed out; but, in
late 20th Century America, they rarely sway more than about 10 to 15
percent of the public. Sadly, but realistically, nice ideas don't get
people moving. Self-interest does.
Thanks to Greenpeace, local viewers saw labor defending the trawler fleets,
when in three years few trawler workers will have the same jobs. Similarly,
neo-hippies make committed forest activists, but the victories are won when
the loggers, small property owners, and towns whose jobs and water supplies
are getting fucked up by absentee corporations decide they, too, have had
enough. Ditto taxpayers irate about corporate welfare, seniors who can't
get health care, moms with no access to day care, communities targetted for
police harassment, and so on. White liberalism--"Those People Need Help,
Let's Fix It For Them"--won't get it done. If anything, it's made Bill
Clinton possible.
Will the effort to halt Bering Sea overfishing benefit from Greenpeace's
action? Hopefully so. But the impact could have been far greater if it had
invested a fraction of the money and effort in class issues that it did in
mountaineering equipment.
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