Rico And Protest
by Stephen Zunes
The successful suit against two anti-abortion groups
concluded April 20 in Chicago threatens the civil liberties
of everyone dedicated to peaceful protest. However one may
feel about abortion or the politics and tactics of the groups
in question, the use of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt
Organizations Act (RICO) against anti-abortion protesters
sets a dangerous precedent by using a statute designed to
fight organized crime against a political movement.
Indeed, Univ. of Notre Dame law professor G. Robert Blakely,
who originally drafted the law, denounced the verdict, saying
that it had never been intended for such use and that in
doing so, it was "intended to scare the hell out of all
demonstrators."
Operation Rescue and Pro-Life Action League have engaged in
acts of nonviolent civil disobedience outside abortion
clinics in cities across the country, at times disrupting the
clinics' normal operations. Such tactics have created
controversy, not just among supporters of legal access to
abortion, but among many abortion opponents who prefer
working through legal channels and believe that such
confrontational tactics hurt their cause.
Defenders of such tactics believe that they are necessary to
bring public attention to the issue, to actually prevent
(however briefly) abortions from taking place at the targeted
clinic, and to provide a vehicle for abortion opponents to
participate in a form of nonviolent witness.
Until Congress passed the Freedom of Access to Clinic
Entrances Act (FACE) in 1994, which made it a felony to
engage in such nonviolent action, more than 60,000 people
were arrested in such protests. This total is more than those
arrested in the civil rights, farm workers, environmental,
and anti-war movements combined.
The National Organization for Women--representing scores of
individuals and clinics subjected to nonviolent protests,
threats, harassment, and violent attacks--decided to take the
unprecedented action of utilizing RICO to destroy these
organizations and put a damper on any possible protests in
the future. To do so, they have attempted to prove that these
groups are responsible for the scattered acts of violence
against clinics and their employees.
The threat of such violence is very real and very disturbing.
Yet both groups being sued are on record as supporting
exclusively nonviolent methods.
The efforts to link these groups, which have largely
maintained a disciplined nonviolence in their protests and
acts of civil disobedience, to those who have bombed clinics
and murdered their staff, is patently disingenuous. It is no
different than the segregationists who tried to blame Martin
Luther King's campaign of passive resistance in the civil
rights struggle for the riots in urban ghettos or the
militarists who sought to link the overwhelmingly peaceful
movement against the Vietnam War to scattered acts of
violence by radical groups.
Having interviewed Operation Rescue's founder Randall Terry
several years ago, I can vouch that he is indeed a political
reactionary and a dangerous demagogue. However, participants
in the group's nonviolent campaigns have generally been those
who act not out of some right-wing political agenda, but out
of a deep moral calling to make an active witness against
what they consider to be an act of violence. Many of the
participants in these sit-ins are from the Catholic Left and
are veterans of civil disobedience campaigns for a variety of
peace and social justice issues.
Whether one agrees with them or not, they are part of an
American tradition of nonviolent civil disobedience and are
as sincere in their quest as those who oppose nuclear
weapons, arms shipments to dictators, racial segregation,
nuclear power, investments in South Africa's apartheid system
or any other injustice in risking arrest as an act of
conscience.
As a result of this verdict, groups ranging from ACT-UP to
Earth First! to Greenpeace to labor unions could be convicted
of racketeering for conspiring to engage in everything from
peaceful sit-ins to setting up picket lines. A powerful
vehicle of popular participation would be compromised. With
citizens no longer able to engage in nonviolent civil
disobedience against what they consider to be unjust laws and
immoral policies, political power would be concentrated still
further in the hands of office holders, judges and the
wealthy. The tradition of nonviolent action, which has
brought great vitality and progressive change to the American
political landscape, could be lost forever.
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