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Backtalk
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Much More on the Serbian Bombing
Maria,
Here is some more info on Yugoslavia which I hope is insightful.
1. Bombable Serbia
Yugoslavia's Serbs are the latest in a long line of demonized bombables. Its
president, Slobodan Milosevic, is furiously denounced by editorialists as a
world class villain, and cartoonists can portray "the Serbs" as pigs without
being reprimanded for racism. The crimes for which the Serbs must be
severely chastised, however, are frequently equalled or exceeded by that of
U.S. client states, who can remain beneficiaries of western aid even while
engaging in genocide in an invaded territory (Indonesia's Suharto regime in
East Timor). Mass murder alone is not enough to merit demonization and
bombability. Behind the carefully channeled outrage lies the geostrategic
interest of the U.S. and its leading Western allies.
While great understanding is displayed for the "security concerns" that
drive U.S. clients to violence, instances of violence by the bombables are
attributed to a defiant and perverse desire to "test the resolve" of Western
leaders. This unlikely motive is played up, while any genuine fears of a
country that finds itself singled out for pariah treatment are ignored.
Yugoslavia's post-World War II leader Tito may have been a communist
dictator, but his quarrel with Stalin turned him into an ally of the West.
Yugoslavia was relatively open and prosperous, and received lavish Western
credits. The resulting debt burden was a major factor in splitting the
country along economic and ethnic lines in the 1980s. Once the Soviet Union
collapsed, Yugoslavia lost its strategic interest to the U.S. The newly
reunited Germany, along with Austria, could resume its traditional hostility
to a unified Yugoslavia, sponsoring Croatian and Albanian nationalism
against the Serbs. German clout forced rapid international acceptance of an
unnegotiated breakaway of Slovenia and Croatia, turning the Yugoslav army
into an "aggressor" on its own territory. For the Serbs, who had seen Nazi
German conquerors carve Yugoslavia into separate pieces in 1941, it was deja
vu all over again.
Under pressure from media always on the lookout for villains, the U.S. soon
got on board this destabilization bandwagon, largely to reassert its
leadership role in Europe, and also to forge new ties with its closest Near
Eastern allies (Turkey, Israel, Saudi Arabia) by creating a new area of
domination in the Balkans at the expense of what had been a relatively
autonomous and less amenable power. Yugoslavia, after all, had been known
both for its own special brand of "self-management socialism," in contrast
to the Soviet model, and for its international role as co-founder of the
Non-Aligned Movement, with close ties to Third World countries. These were
aberrations that U.S. leaders were only too happy to get rid of once and for
all.
As ethnic Serbs had been targeted for liquidation in the "Independent State
of Croatia" (which included Bosnia) run by the Nazi-backed Croatian Utasha
movement during World War II, German support for the breakaway of Croatia
under a nationalist leadership openly sympathetic to the Ustasha tradition,
posed a real security threat to the large Serb population in Croatia. This
could only strengthen nationalist forces in Serbia. In various ways, Western
policy encouraged Croatian, Slovenian, and Albanian nationalist movements to
seek to exit from the Yugoslav state. By thus endorsing ethnic identity as
the basis for territorial sovereignty, the West encouraged all factions in
Yugoslavia to seek spatial domination--which entailed pushing out members of
rival ethnic groups, often by murdering them to scare the rest. The Serbs
participated aggressively in this terrible process, but they were not alone.
Leaving aside the question of who started what and who killed and drove out
more people in the "ethnic cleansing" in Croatia and Bosnia between 1991 and
1995, what is certain is that the U.S. media focused on Serb crimes and
played down those committed by Croats and Muslims. There was no great
display of moral indignation in the media and from Western leaders when a
quarter of a million Serbs in Krajina were driven out of their homes by
Croatian forces in August 1995 (with substantial killing). In fact, those
Croatian forces had been (illegally) rearmed with German weapons, trained by
U.S. "retired" generals and given the green light by the U.S. ambassador.
Moreover, it was just as this was happening that NATO designated the Serbs
as their first bombable target on the European continent since the end of
the Cold War.
When trouble flared this year in the Serbian province of Kosovo, the most
difficult trouble spot in all the troubled Balkans, the West immediately
reverted to its stance in Bosnia: the Serbs are to blame and must be bombed.
Knowing this, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), which seeks to detach Kosovo
from Serbia and form a Greater Albania has a simple strategy: depend on
Serbian repression to bring in NATO forces to attack the Serbs and allow the
KLA to take over.
This scenario has been obvious and predictable from the start. For several
years the KLA assassinated not only policemen and Serbian officials, but
also ethnic Albanians who opposed the violent secessionist movement. In the
summer of 1998 the Serbian security forces finally took the bait and went
into the Kosovo countryside to root out the KLA. As usual in such cases,
hapless civilians suffered and the guerrillas simply regrouped. Untold
thousands of civilians were driven from villages believed to be sheltering
KLA fighters before security forces battered down walls and set family
compounds on fire. Between 500 and 1,000 people have been killed in this
conflict. Both sides have massacred civilians, with the stronger Serb army
very likely responsible for a disproportionate share. But only the Serb side
is threatened with any kind of NATO action.
In this way, the U.S. propensity to bomb becomes an instrument that can be
wielded even by a relatively small armed rebellion to break up a recognized
nation. The KLA may be the first "liberation" movement in history to
consider NATO its virtual air force. This opens up new horizons for the uses
of NATO.
The Turkish armed forces have generously offered to take time off from
destroying Kurdish villages in and beyond Turkey's borders to participate in
NATO's humanitarian crusade against the Serbs for having done roughly the
same, but on a much smaller scale and only within Serbia.
The selectivity of the West's humanitarian concern is blatant. And in this
case,
Western policy has actually fanned the flames of conflict. Whereas fair and
friendly mediation is called for, the West's bias toward one side, and
contradictory signals have made it virtually impossible for the Serbs and
Albanians to work out a solution among themselves.
The ethnic Albanians say they want to secede. The West rules that out, as it
would set a bad precedent for the Bosnian Serbs who want to secede from
Bosnia. Some Serbs suggest partitioning Kosovo between Serbia and the
Albanians. The West rules that out, as it would set a bad precedent for
Macedonia, where Albanians would then also want to secede. The Serbs offer
to negotiate without preconditions, the Albanians refuse to sit down at the
table, and the West thereupon threatenss to bomb the Serbs "to force them to
the negotiating table."
However provoked, Serbian security forces are almost surely guilty as charged
of "using excessive force." In its righteous indignation, NATO has assembled
a mighty armada of warplanes, stealth bombers, and cruise missiles which
threaten to wipe out Yugoslavia's entire national defense capacity,
including command and control centers. This is because NATO abhors the use
of "excessive force."
From "Bombing A La Mode" by Edward S. Herman
www.zmag.org/ZMag/articles/dec98herman.htm
2. Racak Massacre, William Walker and the CIA at www.iacenter.org/warhawk.htm
3. A year before the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia, on Nov. 5, 1990, the U.S. Congress passed the 1991 Foreign
Operations Appropriations Law 101-513. This bill was a signed death warrant.
One provision in particular was so lethal that even a CIA report described
three weeks later in the Nov. 27, 1990, New York Times predicted it would
lead to a bloody civil war.
From "The Bosnian Tragedy" by Sara Flounders of International Action Center
www.iacenter.org/bosnia/tragedy.htm
Thanks
--Milutin, via e-mail
ETS!,
Here's what I think we should do in reaction to the wars we're fighting
right now. Stop partying, stop enjoying ourselves publicly in any way. I
suggest a massive boycot of the entertainment industry, sports events,
movies, eating out, drinking coffee and beer in public places, etc. until
our country stops bombing other peoples' homes, bridges and factories.
Tomorrow is the first day of the baseball season and I'd like noone to go
and participate. That would send strong message to the powers that be that
we don't approve of war and we're willing to stop the economy in protest.
So, please join me in my personal boycott of all public partying and
entertainment. Stay home, read a book, write a letter to Eat the State! and
help end these wars.
Sincerely,
--Albert Kaufman, Seattle
ETS!,
Well, I must say the article about "where is the Peace Movement" kind of
pissed me off, because it was so condescending and not very helpful in
helping us form a clear idea about what we might suggest the government do
if we were organized. I mean, excuse me if I am a little confused. I was
reading Eat the State! because I was looking for clarity, as there has been
a daunting lack of dialogue about the war amongst the people I see every
day, and I didn't find much.
So here is what I wrote and sent out to my friends, in an attempt to start
a dialogue that would help us all get somewhere in our thinking: print it
if you want. I don't care.
Out of Sight, Out of Mind
There's a war going on in Yugoslovia and my laundry still isn't done. There
are reports of women being "systematically raped" as I spend my days
talking about capture card drivers and online video streaming. I do not
feel guilty, for this terrible event has nothing to do with me, but I feel
helpless. We all feel helpless.
In my commitment to fight the depression and isolation of my own culture, I
must block it out a few days at a time, but to stay in line with my
personal values of human compassion I must read as much as I can, accept
the facts as facts, and use the Internet to peel back the glossy layer of
the North American press.
They say that the reason why the whales have come so close to the shores of
Seattle in such great numbers is because they are hungry. What a wonderful
sight! Come down and gaze at the beautiful whales! If I had a video camera
I would run down there to experience the awe. Yes I would, but not without
deep sorrow for their dilemma. If they weren't forced to come so close in
search for food, we would not be so touched by their vast beings. Not
without having seen them we would not be able to personally care for them
in the same way.
If the images of the Albanian refugees did not reflect back our own white
faces we would feel slightly alienated from their experience. Slightly.
Like understands like. People absorb most deeply what has been personally
experienced. The press attempts to use this cheap trick by saying, "Look at
the Kosova Albanians. They had computers. They had houses and cars. They
were like you and me. They had. They had." implying that we all have or
that the viewers that matter all have. No one at work mentions a word about
the war. We are all too busy. If I bring it up, it instills guilt.
It is preposterous to think that we are responsible for everything. I say,
pick your battles, follow your passion, do good in the world, don't hurt
yourself over it. A broken, burned out person isn't worth anything to
anybody else. That's right, heal thyself. But healing means protection and
for me that meant leaving my work as an organizer with the homeless. I
retreated, north of Lake Union to only come downtown when on errands. Out
of sight, out of mind. I had discovered two things: that I was too
emotionally sensitive to be around homelessness every day and maintain my
sanity, and that the plight of homelessness was not one I have long-term
passion around. The media and how fucked up it is, is what I have long-term
passion around. All that multiplied equaled the simple fact that I must
write and eventually put out confrontative, constructive media. Does that
make me a bad person? In order to do that, I must work in a place where I
can make enough money to gain the tools, where the most common social
topics are about buying things: houses, cars, palm pilots, computers, cell
phones, going out on the town: sci-fi movies, concerts, expensive dinners,
alternative clubs. Is it OK to have fun in the face of human disaster that
I have no control over?
I look to the activist press for direction. Eat the State! is sarcastic and
wrist slapping. "Where is the Peace Movement?" it screams with insipid
disappointment without presenting a platform for such imaginary movement to
stand on. If NATO pulled out, it would be a disaster, their staying is sure
disaster.
The Kosova Liberation Army had been fighting in the mountains, valiantly,
without international press coverage. All of the names listed of those
killed in their ranks the last few days were far older than I expected. 50.
60. 70. I don't know if this means the Serbians are killing mostly old
people or if that means the nimble are surviving, but it changes my picture
of who the freedom fighters are. In this country, to do radical things
means to be young. This is not a protest. It is a struggle for life. I
know, had I been born in Kosova and had I a strong back, I would be out
there sleeping with my assault rifle, next to my friends, if I had any
left. I would be there not because it is right but because that is who I
am, just as I am here writing instead of downtown monitoring an illegal
sidewalk shelter, because it is what I am better at.
Ten days ago the Kosova Provisional Government was brought into being by
the many leaders within Kosova to bring some sense of direction, voice, and
order to their shattered people and the allies who want to help. I haven't
seen it in the NY Times nor has Clinton mentioned his perception of the
will of Kosova's Albanian people. I suppose, thanks to Michele's idea (the
current homeless women's organizer of SHARE), that the only clear point I
would want to make to the U.S. "leaders" would be: Listen to the people.
Ask them what they want. Help but do not strip them of their voice. It's
not your cue, it's theirs.
I know that wailing about the Albanian's losses or the tragedy of our
Pacific Northwest Whales will not do me nor anyone else any good. Holding
back my life's goals out of guilt for those I cannot help will not either.
I will let the tears roll out of me as I scan the news because I am a
human, and I will let this information encourage me to be more proficient
at affecting the world I can touch, without losing track of who I am. I
don't know what else to do. We all have our little boxes and I'm sure I'm
not the only one who gets trapped in them. What do you think?
Jen Domeier, via e-mail
ETS!,
And then she goes across the street to find the paper has already gone out.
Thank you for focusing on giving more information, and most importantly,
the broader perspective from Erik and Rick's letters, which had some points
I had not mulled over.
Jen Domeier, via e-mail
Geov & ETS!,
You stated that the U.S./NATO is exacerbating the human rights catastrophe in
Kosovo and Serbia; I assume you meant the occasional "missile fell short of
its target," the civilians that were killed by the bombings, the factory
that was blown up (although there were humans shielding them). But judging
from the photos in the New York Times, etc. of destroyed and crumbling
buildings in Pristina and Belgrade, I can only imagine the intense trauma
that this causes a country. We have targeted structures used by civilians,
such as bridges, factories, and post offices, creating a war-zone
atmosphere. Even when government buildings are targeted, the destruction of
once-beautiful architectural landmarks is undoubtedly a terrorist act.
The damage our bombing creates to the infrastructure of the impoverished
Balkans--not only Serbia, but neighboring countries such as Romania,
Bulgaria, etc. is severe. The destruction of bridges seems an especially
brutal act which immobilizes the populace and needlessly wastes millions of
civilian tax dollars that were spent to create them. U.S./NATO could have
easily blockaded them and spared them the expense, but the real cost is the
terror that is induced. We United States citizens can safely read about
these bombing campaigns and see pictures of wrecked houses, but we can only
feel mildly appalled compared to what they must experience.
Milosevic will never willingly allow the Kosovo region to secede, yet the
U.S. will not cease fire until he capitulates. Attacking the region's
infrastructure is one of the worst possible things that the U.S. could do
to soothe the conflict; instead, it invites comparison of Clinton/NATO to
Hitler.
Long after the conflict is "resolved" the U.S. will never deign to pay for
physical and psychological damage to the Serbians, the Kosovans or anyone
that suffers from this ordeal.
The "human rights catastrophe" is not only a few civilians that lost their
lives due to a technical mistake; it is a legacy of calculated violence and
the resulting economic fallout that will resonate throughout the Balkans.
(It's very ironic that here in the Bay Area, Oakland Mayor Jerry Brown and
the US military just spent millions of dollars to train U.S. soldiers for
"humanitarian missions" in the "Urban Guerilla" program. Wasn't this the
kind of situation it was supposedly meant for?)
Cory Wenger, Berkeley, CA
Dear Geov,
It may have been harder to maintain the "information blockade" but, the
mass media's "official line" has been consistent and relentless. Even the
opinion writers in whom I have most confidence have swallowed, and now
regurgitate, the "standard" rationale for the NATO/U.S./Yugoslavia War.
I agree that the Internet "has also allowed a clearer, more thoughtful
presentation of the opposing side's view than we usually get in a war."
That presentation is, I believe, restricted to a relatively small audience,
available only to those with Internet access and then, only to those who
are persistent in their efforts to find pertinent sites. Seeking these out
is the proverbial problem of finding the needle in the haystack. Putting
information on the Internet is something like putting a message in a bottle
and throwing it out to sea. Better than nothing, but...
Some of the sources I've found that present commentary differing from the
official line are:
IWPR http://www.iwpr.net
WSWS http://www.socialequality.com
MOJO http://motherjones.com
ETS! http://EatTheState.org
ZNet http://www.zmag.org
If you know of others, please share them with me.
Two questions I haven't been able to find answers for:
1. Is Germany dropping bombs on Belgrade? (The American Media does not
mention this.)
2. Why is the US leading this NATO military action? I fear the REAL
REASON(s) are hidden by the welter of rhetoric, are far from benign. There
is not even much speculation about alternative explanations.
Are there alternative explanations? (I am certain there are.)
Roland Dion, San Diego
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