| |
Stop and Talk
by Kathy McMullen, with additional material by Maria Tomchick
I ran into Bert at Still Life, a cafe in the Fremont neighborhood, today. I
asked him the question that's been nagging me since the bombing started in
Yugoslavia five weeks ago. "Are we still bombing Iraq?" He nodded his head
vigorously, dispelling any wishful thinking I had that our bombing of
Baghdad ended when we turned our attention to Kosovo, and leaving me
perplexed about why the Defense Department wasn't blasting this news to the
people of the United States. Wouldn't such news be all the proof the
department needed to justify their claim to the American public about the
need to fight wars in two arenas simultaneously? Are they trying to keep us
from getting a collective stomachache that the knowledge of so many bombs
going off would cause? Are they afraid it might take away our appetite for
the destruction we are causing in Yugoslavia, and that we'd call for the
check and leave the restaurant?
And why am I getting my news about Iraq from Bert? I thought we lived in a
country where free speech was practiced. If that concept has any meaning,
shouldn't I at least be hearing about what countries the land of the free
and home of the brave is currently bombing? Or does that just mean Philip
Morris should be able to enjoy unrestricted advertising of its lifestyle
line of cigarette products? Why am I not seeing news about the U.S.'s
continued bombing of another country in the A section, where such news
belongs?
I am not a casual reader, but a thorough one. Along with reading daily
about the situation in Kosovo and Yugoslavia, I have read about Guatemala's
governmental housecleaning, Pinochet's extradition to Spain, the North
Korean Famine, the foreseeable stall in the Palestinian statehood talks,
even an article on the banana war in St. Lucia in the Caribbean, but
nothing on Iraq.
And who is Bert? Bert is a renegade citizen who makes illegal forays into
Iraq to deliver medical supplies and other humanitarian aid to the people
there.
Two weeks ago he returned from his most recent trip, and yes, our bombing
continues unabated, he assures me.
Some of the news coverage I heard on the first day of the NATO air campaign
in Yugoslavia--which, by the way, Americans now seem to think is not so
much the name of a country, but a command: "you go slaughter!"--was a
military spokesman who talked of "enjoying success." I couldn't believe his
choice of words, that we were supposed to enjoy blowing up other people's
countries. Although, of course, we weren't blowing up just anyone's
country, we were blowing up an aggressor's means to subjugate an innocent
ethnic minority. Only later did we goof and blow up some of those self-same
innocent ethnic minorities. We seem to have hastened the aggressor's goal
of driving out the ethnic minority entirely from their villages and towns.
Now, instead of being preyed upon by a Serbian-dominated government that
discriminated against them, they're being preyed upon by the officials
(badge-wearing) and non-officials (non badge-wearing) of their host
countries in the refugee camps where they've been corralled. The young and
pretty among them are being scooped up by gold-chain-wearing, leather-clad
pimps to service customers in Vienna, Berlin, Paris, and Amsterdam. The
young and tough are being scooped up to begin war-training exercises with
the KLA, who will eventually liberate the Serbian-held lands and restore
them to the Kosovars. This story I read, not in an American paper, but in
the German Die Zeit.
Why am I pointing out that the war in Iraq is continuing while we carry out
the operation in Yugoslavia? Because we can't forget the war that is
happening in Iraq. If we forget, who will cry out to our leaders: "Enough
is enough! Stop the killing! Stop the bombing and the sanctions that are
leading to the deaths of hundreds of children each day, and who knows how
many other Iraqis each month!"
It is easy for President Clinton to tell us that violence is not the answer
in response to the killings of students and a teacher at Columbine High
School last week. It is more difficult for him to lead by example and say,
"No, NATO's military intervention is not having the effects we had hoped."
In fact, in many ways, it is having a reverse effect. It is not toppling
Milosevic's government, it is not leading to a secure Kosovo. Rather, it is
alienating the people of Yugoslavia against the United States and
bolstering support for Milosevic among the Yugoslavs. It is causing great
hardship and misery for the peoples of Yugoslavia, and it has completely
destabilized Kosovo.
The U.S.'s air war in Iraq has had similar effects: it has alienated the
Iraqi people against the U.S., strengthened support among the Iraqi people
and other Middle Eastern peoples for Mr. Hussein, and caused great hardship
and misery.
One explanation of the Columbine killings is that the boys who killed felt
isolated. It is easy to imagine that they felt no sympathy for their
intended victims. Turning people into alien "others" allows us to abuse
them.
It's not people we are harming--or so the reasoning goes--but a menace, a
target, a disruptive element. This kind of thinking is wrong. It was wrong
for the boys who blasted their fellow students full of holes as a way to
"get revenge" or "set an example" to their abusers, and it is wrong for the
U.S., which is blasting our brothers and sisters in Yugoslavia and Iraq. If
we want to teach our children that diplomacy--talking it out--is the
answer, we must practice it ourselves.
Currently the European Union, Germany, Russia, and the United Nations have
been undergoing extensive negotiations with the government of Serbia to end
the massacres in Kosovo and the bombing of Yugoslavia. There's been almost
no mention of these extensive efforts in the U.S. press. The key to a new
European-brokered peace plan is the deployment of U.N. peacekeeping troops
in Yugoslavia, especially the use of troops from Russia and other countries
not currently involved in the NATO bombing campaign. Those who followed the
Rambouillet talks will recall that the U.S. negotiators insisted on the
deployment of NATO troops in Yugoslavia (i.e., troops primarily
under the control of the U.S., Britain, and France); this was the only
aspect of the agreement that Milosevic would not accept. Since the onset of
the bombing campaign, he has signaled more than once that he would accept
U.N. troops instead, yet the U.S. has remained firm in refusing to resume
talks. Once again--as in the Gulf War--the U.S. motivation is simply to
annihilate and humiliate ... and not negotiate.
|