To Count or Not To Count?
by Troy Skeels
Despite the better judgment of Congress, voters in Washington, D.C. got to
count the votes on their medical marijuana initiative after all.
The results of Initiative 59 were released by the city's elections board on
Sept. 21. Voters, on November 3, 1998, overwhelmingly supported the ballot
initiative, voting 69% in favor. The initiative passed in every precinct.
It took nearly seven months to release the tally, because Congress had
passed a furtive rider making it illegal for D.C. officials to count the
vote. D.C. citizens, who have no representative in Congress, could not be
trusted to vote properly, so their vote was declared impossible.
The congresspersons responsible openly admit that, when it comes to
conflicts between drug policy and democracy, three out of four
congresspersons choose drugs. The anti-vote amendment sponsor, Rep. Bob
Barr (R., Georgia) in a brave attempt at lucidity, said: "Marijuana remains
illegal under federal law, and it would send a terrible message to
America's young people to allow those laws to be openly flouted in the same
city where they were passed."
U.S. District Court Judge Richard Roberts ordered on Sept. 17--over seven
months after hearing argument on the issue--that the vote tally be
released. "In this case," said the judge, "First Amendment speech through
the vote would have been effectively extinguished if the Barr Amendment had
blocked releasing and certifying the results." Plumbing the very depths of
common sense to immortalize the obvious, he added: "To cast a lawful vote
only to be told that that vote will not be counted or released is to rob
that vote of any communicative meaning whatsoever."
Nevertheless, the Barr Cartel is already at work to make sure that, now
that the people have had their say, their say will become meaningless.
A fresh rider (albeit on a tired mule), attached to the Fiscal 2000 D.C.
Appropriations Bill, prohibits the District of Columbia from enacting any
law that would legalize any drugs or reduce penalties. They may, however,
increase penalties of their choosing.
The residents of Washington, D.C. do not have an elected legislature of
their own. Congress is privileged to carry out that function on their
behalf. Apparently for the sake of convenience, Congress takes its cues
from the Georgia State Legislature. As Rep. Barr postulates: "If Fairfax
County [Georgia] voted to allow medical use of marijuana, the state
wouldn't let us, would it? That's the analogy I hear from members [of
Congress]."
Hedging their bets in case President Clinton, during a wild Oval Office
democracy binge, gets a hankering to light up a pro-pot veto, Rep. Thomas
Davis (R.-Va.) reminds us that "it's hard for the president to veto a D.C.
appropriations bill because we won't allow legalized marijuana use in the
District. That's just a tough sell." Rep. Ernest Istook (R.-Okla.) piped in
with: "If there is a veto, it'll show that Bill Clinton is as soft on drugs
as he is on Puerto Rican terrorists."
Explaining that it's better to be hard on democracy then soft on cancer
patients, one voter-sympathetic congressperson, James Moran (D.-Va.)
offered: "Most of the members are rightfully reticent to override a
democratic referendum." Reluctant, but not entirely averse, as Moran points
out: "They're afraid that they will be subjected to 30-second ads claiming
they voted to legalize drugs."
And what brave steward of American democracy could be called upon to make
such a sacrifice? What patriot could bear to face a 30-second attack ad?
You can almost hear the screaming from the aisles: "Oh the humanity, oh the
horror!" The British must be kicking themselves about now. "Blast it Giles,
if we'd only employed attack ads while General Washington was camped at
Valley Forge; instead, we blew our money on Hessian mercenaries!"
Neither Judge Roberts nor his boss, The Law, can be accused of being soft
on speech. Roberts ruled simply on a technical issue: that the Barr
amendment did not specifically prohibit the initiative process from going
forward. He pointedly did not rule on the issue of whether the rider
amounted to an unconstitutional restriction on free speech. In the
interests of interminable argument, the court left that question to prowl
restlessly in the hall. The question of whether the vote, now counted,
means anything, or if the mere privilege of having that vote publicly
counted is enough free speech for any one democracy, is left open for a
further lawsuit. That lawsuit is certain to be filed as soon as Congress
passes the latest D.C. appropriations bill and after President Clinton
doesn't veto it.
As this court ruling affirms: the First Amendment is to be protected, but
only as a last resort.
For more info: www.aclu.org/court/.
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