Striking students at the National Autonomous University of Mexico have kept the campus at the western hemisphere's largest university, in Mexico City, closed since last April 20. The strike was sparked by an assault on free University education by the ruling PRI, the Institutional Revolutionary Party. The University Rector Francisco Barnes, appointed by President Zedillo, announced a tuition increase in April 1998, from the then less than ten cents a quarter to $280.00, a prohibitive price for many of the nation's people. The tuition hike is only part of a broader government initiative leading toward privatization of all of Mexico's public universities. This program seems to conflict with the Mexican Constitution, which guarantees free higher education.

Students voted overwhelmingly against the tuition increase. When the University stood by its plan, activist students seized campus buildings and declared a strike. A General Strike Committee (CGH) was formed to carry on day to day strike operations including a string of marches of one or two hundred thousand people, press conferences, statement issuing, alliance building and interminable meetings. In June, Rector Barnes began to offer concessions, including making the tuition hike "voluntary." By this time however, the hard line "Ultras," had gained a sort of supremacy on the Strike Committee (It's said not least because they are able to fearlessly endure the most grueling meetings, outlasting most everyone else.) and the CGH increased its demands and refused to negotiate. "All or Nothing," is the slogan of the Ultras. This all or nothing included the resignation of Barnes and the reinstatement of automatic enrollment for students of UNAM affiliated high schools. This automatic enrollment had been a University institution until 1996 when the then Rector forced its repeal against disorganized student opposition.

The Ultras explain their all or nothing stance by pointing to history. "We say all or nothing because we look at the past and we see where we are fighting the same battles because of past compromises. We want to do it right this time so future generations of students don't have to take up what we left unfinished."

This hard-line approach has caused erosion of public support over the intervening months. The government and corporate media waste no effort in attacking the Ultras "hijacking" of Mexico's 450 year old national university, not to mention their blocking of rush hour streets and generally calling attention to some issues the ruling class would prefer to keep quiet. Rector Barnes proposed retaking the campus by military force. Strike leaders are reportedly under surveillance and some have been snatched off the street and held for hours, or days, by mysterious "authorities," with not apparent reason other than simple intimidation.

Many students, impatient to continue their education, have also tired of the strike. They, along with some professors, have begun holding classes at various off campus locations. There have been several student counter demonstrations, and fisticuffs between pro and anti strike students. Not all of the students attending off campus classes are anti-strike however. Many of them recognize the importance of the struggle and participate in the marches and rallies, even if breaking the strike in a symbolic way.

The students have meanwhile garnered many allies, from opposition politicians, to strong unions, campus employees and the EZLN. Rector Barnes was forced to resign in December after opposition members of Mexico's congress cited his "intransigence," as a leading cause of the strike dragging on.

President Zedillo appointed a new Rector, Juan Ramon de la Fuente, who is presumably less hard-line in his approach. Not necessarily less "intransigent," as he takes his direction from the same people as the previous rector, and those people have plans of their own.

According to John Ross in an LA Weekly article (7/23/99), Mexico signed a memorandum with the World Bank in 1997 that "commits Mexico to modify its offer of a free university education to all its citizens in exchange for $180 million in educational credits from the bank." The agreement was scheduled to begin in 1999.

The new Rector has announced a University wide plebiscite for January 18 and 19 calling for a resolution to the strike. It is unclear whether the University can develop ballot questions that will be acceptable to the CGH. And if they don't, and the CGH boycotts the plebiscite, it is difficult to see how the situation will resolve. It is possible that the Rector could use positive results of a plebiscite, no matter how unrepresentational, as an excuse to retake the campus by force. With Presidential elections scheduled for the spring, and the strike a persistent and visible national issue, it seems likely that something is going to happen. Stay tuned.