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The Kaiser Meltdown
by Geov Parrish
What a debacle.
The steelworkers' last-minute cancellation of four days' worth of protests,
rallies, flyering and civil disobedience at the Kaiser Aluminum plant in
Tacoma's Tideflats kept many, but not all, would-be protesters away last
weekend. (On Saturday, there were about 50 picketers--and about 50 riot
cops watching them.) With only one week's notice of the steelworkers'
withdrawal of sponsorship (other labor groups also pulled out when the
steelworkers withdrew) the environmental and community groups that had
co-sponsored the Kaiser actions did their best to recover, calling the
leftover occasion a picket line support. But when some 2,000 people were
expected at last Saturday's rally, and another 1,000 at Monday's direct
action, you can't suddenly call things off on one week's notice; it's like
trying to apply the brakes without enough stopping distance. The event was
supposed to be a showcase of the new post-WTO cooperation between labor and
community activists; instead, it may have been the funeral.
Such a sudden cancellation, without any kind of consultation, simply isn't
how you treat a full political partner. Anti-Kaiser organizers did their
best to smooth over the ruffled feathers. The steelworkers' Jon Youngdahl
attributed the withdrawal to the union's being too swamped by the sit-ins,
rallies, and other efforts to pass two strike-related bills in Olympia. He
rejected as "just not true" rumors reported in an abominable Tacoma
News-Tribune story that labor pulled out because of fear that disruptive
elements--namely, the dreaded anarchists from Eugene--would come trash the
Kaiser plant during the demonstration. He also held out hope that if
negotiations with Kaiser were still stalled in May, another round of
co-sponsored demonstrations might be organized.
But locally, time to capture the momentum from last fall's tremendous
anti-WTO victory is running out. Scores of area activists are traveling to
Washington, D.C. next month for protests against the World Bank and
International Monetary Fund; nationally, those protests are the follow-up
to Seattle. But in Seattle itself, two high-profile efforts to unite
post-WTO environmental and labor groups have now fizzled, with an
anti-Microsoft effort failing to gain labor support in early February.
After an effort to "shut down Microsoft" turned into a spirited but
unremarkable visit to Redmond's strip malls by 50 or so activists and a
couple of giant puppets, the Direct Action Network and other anti-WTO
activists had hoped to use the Kaiser protests to galvanize the new
labor-community alliance. In Kaiser's owner, Charles Hurwitz, they had
seemingly the perfect target. He is of interest to environmentalists not
only due to the rapacious nature of the aluminum industry, but because he
also owns Pacific Lumber, target of a decade's worth of anti-clearcut
demonstrations, tree sits, and other protests in Northern California.
Hurwitz is a junk bond specialist who cost taxpayers over a billion dollars
for a failed Texas savings and loan in the 1980s; efforts to force a debt
for nature swap in the ecologically sensitive Headwaters redwood grove of
Northern California ended instead with the federal government somehow
paying Hurwitz for the privilege of not clearcutting. Hurwitz is a smooth,
and greedy, operator, and his lockout of union steelworkers (after closing
or selling off almost half of Kaiser's plants to pay junk bond debts) is
merely the latest in a long string of sociopathic business practices.
Despite protest leaders' conciliatory words, there's plenty of bewilderment
and resentment among activists over the sudden cancellation last weekend.
If Olympia was the reason for the pullout, why only one week's notice?
Olympia-watchers have known for many weeks, even at the time the Kaiser
protests were scheduled, that with I-695 gridlock there would be a special
session and little movement on not-budgetary bills. Plenty of folks suspect
that labor was concerned about possible bad publicity during a pending NLRB
Unfair Labor Practices litigation against Kaiser; or that labor was worried
it was losing control of the rapidly growing protest, preferring its
tightly scripted acts to the Direct Action Network's free-wheeling style.
There are also contradictions in the enviro/Kaiser alliance that aren't
easily reconciled. After all, environmentalists want to tear down Columbia
River Basin dams--and those dams exist to support the aluminum industry
with cheap, subsidized hydroelectric power. Why are enviros fighting for
aluminum jobs? Kaiser is a nasty employer, but shouldn't environmentalists
be encouraging different lines of work?
These sorts of issues have always plagued efforts to bridge labor and
community activism in Seattle; it's a shame that they may have torpedoed a
tremendous show of community solidarity for locked-out Kaiser workers. It
will take a strong, concerted effort by organizers to allay suspicions next
time. Hopefully there will be a next time, and hopefully it will be
before the embers of anti-WTO activism have so cooled that the fire must be
built entirely anew.
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