The Coming Chiapas Election
by Troy Skeels
On August 20, the voters of Chiapas state will cast votes for a new
governor.
Unlike the national elections in July, the cleanest in Mexico's history,
the
process in Chiapas is less certain. Still in the firm grip of the PRI and
crawling with army troops and the militarized police of the PFP (Federal
Preventive Police), Chiapas is notorious in Latin America for the
corruption
of its electoral process.
Yet this time the PRI faces a strong challenge from the "Alliance for
Chiapas," a coalition of eight political parties backing a single
candidate,
Pablo Salazar Mendiguchia. These alliances have become common in Mexican
politics. Vicente Fox, the winner of the presidential election, headed the
"Alliance for Change," composed of his National Action Party (PAN) and the
Green Party of Mexico (PVEM). The other strong challenger, Cuahtemoc
Cardenas, headed the "Alliance for Mexico," composed of his Party of the
Democratic Revolution (PRD) and four other political parties.
The Alliance for Chiapas includes the PAN, the PRD and six smaller parties.
These eight parties with many political differences, have united to wrest
Chiapas from the PRI's iron grip. This alliance promises to give the PRI a
run for its money. While Labastida of the PRI won the state's balloting in
the presidential elections, Fox and Cardenas, between them, garnered more
actual votes.
Still, the PRI has plenty of tricks up its sleeve, and the firepower to
back
them up. Firmly in control of the state government, the party is accused of
using government funds and promises of government projects in attempts to
buy
votes. The Alliance has announced that they have no confidence that the
current PRI governor of Chiapas has any interest in presiding over a free
and
fair election.
Then there is the question of armed coercion and intimidation of PRI
opponents. It is widely suspected that the PRI won the state's presidential
talley in no small part due to the ongoing harrassement of the opposition
by
the army, federal and state police as well as PRI backed "paramilitaries,"
in
some cases causing people to be afraid to show up at the polls at all. The
army continues to occupy pro-Zapatista towns and villages which are
unquestionably opposition strongholds. Following the PRI's loss of the
national elections, three new military detachments were sent to the state
under the guise of conducting a "reforestation" project in the Lacandon
forest. A recent letter from the Ricardo Flores Magon Autonomous Council,
who
describe themselves as an "autonomous municipality in rebellion," questions
why troops sent to plant trees have brought high powered weapons and tanks
and are deploying in an attitude of attack.
The PFP, arrived in the state in force a few weeks before the July 2
elections. This police force was initially deployed with the excuse that
they
were going to evict illegal squatters in the Lacandon Preserve to prevent
forest fires. As the squatters had been living there for two decades
without
causing any significant damage, this excuse didn't last more than a couple
of
days. Rather then undeploy these "political police," the government
fabricated a series of armed confrontations to justify the PFP's presence.
These too were soon unmasked as transparent ruses. Following this, the PRI
government quit announcing justificatons, and as it stands, the PFP remains
in Chiapas just because it wants to.
There have been ambushes and other violent confrontations in the state
which
might justify the PFP's presence. But investigations of these conflicts
have
shown that they have occurred between rival groups of PRI supporters, drug
traffickers and other groups unconnected with the Zapatistas. Meanwhile,
the
PFP continues to focus on Zapatista supporters whose main crime seems to be
strong opposition to the PRI government.
While Chiapas remains subject to PRI control, the days of the PRI's
absolute
authority are passing. The Allaince for Chiapas is the strongest electoral
threat the PRI-held state government has ever faced. The Alliance
recognizes
that the outcome of this election is of vital importance to bringing peace
to
Chiapas and have made it a focus of their parties' attentions. It is said
that Cardenas will campaign in support of the alliance's candidate.
President-elect Fox, citing Presidential interference in local politics as
one of the problems with PRI rule that he vows to change, is however,
unlikely to show up in person.
The Alliance and other interested parties warn of widespread violence
should
the PRI win an apparently fraudulent election.
The PRI, responding to charges that it is trying to steal the election
complains that the charges are without proof and that the assumption is
that
"democracy exists only if we lose."
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