Nature and Politics
by Jeffrey St. Clair and Alexander Cockburn
Gore's EPA vs. Bush's Texas
Al Gore has gotten a free ride in this election on the environment, and the
media's complicity in this free ride is a tremendous disservice to the
public. Here's the actual record, comparing the role of Gore's EPA and
Bush's Texas. Regarding Gore's role in these policies, it's important to
remember that under the past several administrations the Veep is the de
facto cabinet officer for the EPA (whose chief is not a cabinet officer);
furthermore, Gore more than any other veep has been the White House point
man on green issues, and finally, that the environmental agenda has been
driven for the past several years by "reinvention," supervised in the early
'90s by Al Gore, and almost entirely ignored, except for the splendid
chapter on it in Al Gore: A User's Manual by the writers of Nature &
Politics and editors of our newsletter CounterPunch.
First Accusation: Bush has allowed Texas to have the worst smog in the
country.
Actual Facts: Texas has been no more dilatory than numerous other states,
all of whom were allowed to slide for the past six years. EPA chief Carol
Browner has repeated this accusation, blaming Bush for not spending enough
money on the environment. In fact, it was Browner's EPA that bred and fed
this recalcitrance. Beginning in 1994 (before Bush was elected, before the
Republicans took over Congress) the EPA allowed for such delays. EPA's
green light for such postponements was part of a larger shift in priorities
for the agency in which, as part of its Gore-driven "reinvention of
environmental protection" agenda, it de-played the Clean Air Act's
mandatory requirements and emphasized market-based and other "voluntary"
approaches. The "delay" strategy was leveraged partly by Democrats Carl
Levin (Senate) and John Dingell (House), who appealed to Clinton and Gore
for relief.
Second Accusation: Bush dismantled inspection and maintenance programs.
Actual Facts: The Clean Air Act's requirements are spelled out clearly in
the Act, but were first compromised by EPA Assistant Administrator for Air
Mary Nichols in 1993 under heavy political pressure from California. This
was the beginning of a long and slippery slope, one which continues today
all across the country. As a result of the 1993 policy cave-in, EPA has
never
since been able to draw a clear or defensible line in the sand. Any
subsequent cave-ins flow from this first pivotal battle, in which
California called EPA's bluff and EPA blinked.
Third Accusation: Bush has pushed "voluntary" approaches and flexibility,
instead of issuing mandatory rules.
Actual Facts: This is actually the core theme of Gore's "Reinvention." A
look at EPA's Reinvention website, followed by a second look at EPA's air
policies since 1994 and 1995, confirms that the Clinton-Gore Administration
has been ardently advocating just such policies for quite some time, over
the objections of many environmental advocates. Even Anne Gorsuch (Boadicea
of the Reaganauts, who ran the EPA in Reagan Time) fell short of Gore's
fierce advocacy of this approach.
Fourth Accusation: Asthma and air pollution in Texas have increased.
Actual Facts: The debate over the cause of asthma remains unresolved, but
the data have shown for some time that asthma disproportionately affects
urban populations, and that emergency hospital admissions for asthma and
other respiratory ailments spike immediately following high daily readings
for ozone. It is the ozone attainment plans required under the Clean Air
Act that EPA has allowed to slide and which are now six years overdue under
the Act.
Fifth Accusation: Bush's pro-business and "oil-and-gas background."
Actual Facts: Bush's whoring for the oil industry is indisputable. So is
Gore's.
Sixth Accusation: Texas leads the nation in toxic chemical emissions.
Actual Facts: True, the environmental situation in Texas is really bad, but
here are some points to be kept in mind in assessing the performance of
Gore and Bush:
Does the accusation say more than that Texas is very big in terms of the
petrochemical industry? What has Gore's EPA done about any of the issues
raised here? What is the federal plan for toxins in the petrochemical
industry?
How fares the federal program for air toxins, under section 112 of the 1990
amendment to the Clean Air Act? These issues are precisely the burden of
many complaints now being raised under the rubric of environmental justice
and Title VI of the Civil Rights Act. In June of this year the EPA released
guidelines on dealing with such issues. The response of environmental
justice advocates has been extremely critical of the EPA proposal on the
grounds that it "insidiously undermines the design and potential of Title
VI ... the Guidance in reality is a procedural stealth attack on
environmental justice." They hang this failure directly on Gore's EPA.
California's leadership on air issues goes back to the 1960s in legislation
and agencies which have never been completely overturned since then. How
would Bush govern if he had a California electorate? Or a California
legislature to back him up?
In sum, perhaps what is most bizarre is that on almost every policy for
which Bush is attacked--at least with regard to air--his policies are in
close agreement with, and in some cases perhaps even more environmentally
aggressive than, the policies of Al Gore's EPA. Both sides try to draw
contrasts between their approach and their opponent's, but the contrasts
only succeed if the listener lacks the facts, the record, or doesn't choose
to look.
Several states have turned in less than impressive environmental
performances during the 1990s, and Texas may be one, but there are others
even worse, such as Michigan and Louisiana. It was to combat such
backsliding at the state and local levels that Congress, in 1970, 1977, and
1990, strengthened the Clean Air Act. There was substantial momentum until
the Clinton/Gore/Browner administration took over in 1993. This slow-up
occurred well before the January 1995 Republican takeover of Congressional
committees. Several EPA Inspector General investigations have confirmed
that EPA has seriously bobbled enforcement under this Administration, and
has in effect encouraged a lax approach on the part of the states. States
attempting to take a more aggressive approach will find themselves attacked
by industries and politicos claiming they are not offering a "competitive"
business environment. In practical terms in the Clinton/Gore years, EPA
enforcement resources have been inexorably cut.
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