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Nature and Politics
by Jeffrey St. Clair and Alexander Cockburn
Driving Ms. Browner
Over the past eight years Environmental Protection Agency director Carol
Browner has visited Chicago more than a dozen times. Each time she comes to
the Windy City, Browner has requested that Ronald Harris, an EPA staffer at
the Region 5 headquarters, serve as her driver and gofer. At first Harris
felt honored. But then he began to wonder if he wasn't being singled out
for malign reasons. Harris is black.
When confronted by these problems, Carol Browner shrugged as if to say
what's the big deal? "I look forward to going to Chicago so that Mr. Harris
can drive me," Browner testified at an October 4 hearing before the House
Committee on Science, which was investigating charges of whistleblower
abuse inside the federal government. The big deal is that racism appears to
be running rampant throughout Browner's agency and she has done nothing to
stem it. For decades, the Departments of Interior and Agriculture have been
known to be sinkholes of racism and sexism. A recent report by Blacks in
Government described Bruce Babbitt's Interior Department as "the whitest of
all federal agencies." In a recent case, a staffer at Interior confronted
her manager after learning from a colleague that he had called her "a
Mississippi nigger." The woman asked if he had indeed made this slur and
the manager replied, "Would it make you feel better if I called you a `good
Mississippi nigger?'"
The USDA is currently facing seven class action suits alleging systemic
racism in its agencies. One case cites the experience of a Hispanic female
recruiter. The woman had been hired precisely to recruit more minorities
into the lily-white Forest Service. She did her job so well that a Forest
Service supervisor erupted at her, screaming: "Don't send me any more
cunts, niggers, or spics!" These cases are appalling. But civil rights
organizers in DC say that the situation inside the EPA may be worse, and
that conditions there have deteriorated since the election of Clinton in
1992.
Take the case of Anita Nickens, who works as a mid-level staffer at the
EPA's American Indian Environmental Office. In 1993, she was one of six EPA
employees on a staff retreat at a lodge on the Cherokee Indian Reservation
in North Carolina. She was the only black in the group. Just prior to Carol
Browner's arrival at the lodge, a supervisor instructed Nickens to go and
scrub the toilet. "Director Browner does not use the toilet behind anyone
else," Nickens was told.
Nickens said she was repulsed by the order, but did the job because she
feared retaliation. Later she overheard her supervisor bragging about this
humiliating order to others. "I went back into my room, locked myself in
and cried," Nickens says. "I was so embarrassed and blamed myself for
giving in to that request. I feel like I let down other black women." When
Nickens filed a complaint, she was punished by the agency.
In August, a US District Court awarded Dr. Marsha Coleman-Adebayo $600,000
in a suit brought against the EPA. The court ruled that Coleman-Adebayo had
been subjected to racial discrimination and a hostile work environment.
Coleman-Adebayo, an EPA program director, says that she was routinely
passed over for promotion at the EPA despite holding a doctoral degree. She
says a colleague told her that she didn't get promoted because she was
"uppity." Coleman-Adebayo recounted a scene that she says is
all-too-familiar for blacks inside the EPA. "I was the only black person at
a staff meeting and one of the others in the room called me 'an honorary
white male,'" Coleman-Adebayo said.
Coleman-Adebayo noted that while African-Americans represent only 17% of
the EPA workforce, they represent 57% of those fired by the agency. "The
EPA is a 21st Century plantation," Coleman-Adebayo said. "Promising careers
have been destroyed and other colleagues have suffered stress-related
illnesses and perhaps even early death, like Lilian Peasant [an EPA staffer
who was the victim of abuse and harassment]. Many blacks have seen their
lives compromised and aspirations crushed."
In testimony before the House Science Committee, Coleman-Adebayo described
how racism at the highest levels of EPA has impeded the agency's
willingness to help African nations address toxic waste problems and other
issues. "Because Ms. Browner fails to act, US foreign policy suffers, as
well. For example, on a trip to South Africa during a Gore/Mbeki commission
meeting [a meeting chaired by Vice President Al Gore and South African
President Thabo Mbeki], the Assistant EPA Administrator for International
Activities referred to Peter Mokaba, then Deputy Minister of the
Environment in South Africa and a hero in the struggle for freedom in that
country as a 'necklacer'--that is a murderer--while talking about him with
Secretary of Energy Bill Richardson. Mr. Mokaba has never been accused,
much less convicted of any such crime! But, the EPA officials' libelous
acts and prejudices are allowed to taint the fabric of US international
environmental policy.
"In another example of gross insensitivity, South Africa requested the
EPA's assistance on behalf of a community which had been poisoned by
Vanadium. We had agreed to help. When I attempted to meet our obligations,
I was officially reprimanded, refused travel requests, and removed from the
position. I was replaced by a white male with no background in Africa. As
with other African-Americans, I was hindered by managers from providing my
expertise to address international environmental issues."
These complaints appear to be the rule, not the exception, at the EPA--an
agency that is charged with fighting environmental racism. In September
more than 150 black EPA employees filed a class action suit against
Browner's agency, alleging widespread bias, discrimination, and retaliatory
practices. The suit catalogues an appalling record of arbitrary performance
reviews, crackdowns by supervisors on whistleblowers, blacks being passed
over for promotion, denied raises, and punished for complaining about
environmental and workplace hazards. The suit is backed by the NAACP. "The
careers of an excessive number of black scientists and other minority
employees at the EPA have been unjustly devastated by the ongoing and
rampant racism occurring throughout the agency," said Leroy Warren, head of
the NAACP's federal sector task force. "In too many instances within the
EPA, Jim Crow Jr. appears to be using mercenaries to control and punish
racial minorities, women, and decent white men."
The suit details a number of other cases of discrimination. A black female
staffer in the EPA's Office of Pollution Prevention and Toxics said that
after she took her complaints to the internal union she suffered lower
performance ratings and other reprisals. She says that after filing a
complaint she received a telephone call from her second-line supervisor who
called her "a black bitch." A former black attorney with the EPA, Lashanda
Holloway, was paid $30,000 less per year than white lawyers with similar
experience and credentials. Dana Hawkins, a black staffer in the EPA's
Atlanta office, claims that her supervisor illegally used her Social
Security number to acquire information about her personal life and then
used it to harass her.
The Atlanta office has been plagued by racial problems. Most recently, the
Department of Labor found the EPA retaliated against Dr. Rose Russo for
cooperating with an investigation into whistleblower harassment at the
agency. The EPA reassigned Dr. Russo from her position as lab director at
the Georgia regional office effective November 5, 2000--a position she had
held for 16 years--to a position handling grants at EPA headquarters. In
the October 3 decision, the Department of Labor directed the EPA to cancel
the transfer because it was based on retaliation. "We've made these
complaints known to Ms. Browner, but they have been ignored," said Leroy
Warren. Warren described Browner and her top staffers as being "arrogant,"
"remote," and unwilling to punish racists inside the agency. As a result,
the NAACP has asked Browner to resign.
Browner's EPA has also turned a blind eye to discrimination and racist
conduct by some of its favored contractors. A notorious example is the case
of the Foster/Wheeler company, a New Jersey-based construction firm that
has enjoyed numerous EPA contracts despite persistent complaints of sexual
harassment and systemic racism inside the company. In January, a federal
court levied a $1.3 million judgment against Foster/Wheeler in a class
action suit brought by 100 black employees working out of the company's
Chicago office.
This August another Foster/Wheeler employee, Terrence Townsend, filed suit
against the firm, alleging racial discrimination at an EPA contract site in
Stratford, Connecticut. Townsend says that black employees of
Foster/Wheeler are "given heavier workloads, more undesirable assignments,
and paid far less than our white counterparts." After Townsend complained
to company officials about these discriminatory practices, a white
co-worker handed him a hangman's noose and told him, "This noose is for you
if you get out of hand." Townsend also said he was forced to use a portable
toilet at the EPA site which was covered with Ku Klux Klan graffiti.
Townsend said he interpreted the noose and the KKK graffiti as warnings
that he would suffer personal injury if he stayed with the company. He soon
quit and now works as a technical specialist at GZA GeoEnvironmental in
Newton, Massachusetts. "Working at that site put a lot of stress on me,"
Townsend says. "It's hard to believe that this kind of discrimination still
happens, especially on a government-contracted site."
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