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Email from El Sup
by Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos
Zapatista Army of National Liberation. Mexico. January 27, 2001. Brother
and Sister Cybernauts:
The EZLN rose up in arms on January 1, 1994 in demand, among other things,
of respect and recognition for the Indian peoples of Mexico. As of
January 12, 1994, the zapatistas, listening to the voices of national and
international civil society, suspended their armed actions and entered
into a process of dialogue, seeking a negotiated solution to their
demands. After 2 years, in February of 1996, the EZLN and the Mexican
government signed the first San Andre's Accords (taking the name of the
seat of dialogue, San Andre's Sakamch'en de Los Pobres, a Tzotzil
municipality in Los Altos of Chiapas). These first Accords were on
indigenous rights and culture. The Mexican government committed itself,
among other things, to constitutionally recognizing the rights and
cultures of the Indian peoples of Mexico. In response to the government's
failure to honor its word, a group of Mexican legislators from the
Commission of Concordance and Peace (Cocopa), drew up a legislative
proposal in the month of December, in 1996, what has subsequently been
referred to as the "Cocopa Law". Up until the end of the end of the
administration of Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leo'n, the government had
refused to carry out the Accords, and the EZLN kept the dialogue
suspended.
When Vicente Fox's government took office, and he offered the fulfillment
of the pending Accords and a negotiated solution to the conflict, the EZLN
responded, demonstrating their willingness to walk the road of peace,
making it clear that it was demanding a serious, respectful and real
dialogue. The EZLN asked the Fox government for 3 signals which would
indicate the government's commitment to dialogue and negotiation. With
these signals, the EZLN was waiting for a response to 3 questions which
are fundamental for the success of the peace process: Is Fox in charge of
the federal army, and is he willing to abandon the military route as a
solution to the conflict? Does the government recognize that the
zapatistas are social fighters and not criminals? And, will there be no
repetition of the history of humiliation, contempt and racism against the
Mexican indigenous?
Up to this moment, Fox's government has responded that it is and is not
willing to abandon the military route, or that it is more or less willing.
This is because it has withdrawn only 4 of the 7 positions which were
demanded, and it has attached conditions for fulfilling the remaining 3.
Concerning the zapatista prisoners, only 19 of the more than 100 who are
in the country's jails have been released. They are continuing to be used
as hostages, and, keeping them imprisoned means that the government is
still thinking about using the police-military option. Concerning the
constitutional recognition of indigenous rights and culture, the so-called
"Cocopa Law" is already in the Congress of the Union. In order to secure
its approval, the EZLN has decided to send a delegation to Mexico City for
the purpose of engaging in dialogue with federal legislators.
Fox's government has resorted to a publicity strategy in order to build an
image of peacemaker, and to project the image of an intransigent EZLN,
arguing its fear that the zapatistas, when they see the signals fulfilled,
are going to ask for more and to draw out the conflict. The zapatistas do
indeed keep their word. If they have asked for only those 3 signals, they
will not add more. As soon as they are fulfilled, they will sit down to
dialogue.
Regarding the zapatista march to Mexico City, the country's powerful (the
high clergy, the political class, businesspersons and the army) have
wanted to supplant the discussion with trivialities: for example,
concerning ski-masks and weapons. Concerning the ski-masks, the EZLN has
made it clear that they form part of their zapatista selves, and they will
go with them in place. Concerning weapons, the EZLN has said, time and
time again, that it respects the Law for Dialogue, and the trip will be
made unarmed.
In some areas of government, the threat has been used that the zapatistas
will be apprehended because the law protects them only in Chiapas. This
is false. The law allows travel throughout national territory, and the
zapatista march is, therefore, legitimate and legal. There is no legal
argument against it.
The EZLN has repeated in its last communiques that it will go to Mexico
City to engage in dialogue with the Congress of the Union, that it will
engage in dialogue along its route with civil society, primarily with the
Indian peoples and the National Indigenous Congress, and that its
objective is the constitutional recognition of indigenous rights and
culture.
Regarding the military positions which have yet to be withdrawn, the EZLN
has made it clear that their dismantling would in no way affect the
military capacity of the federal Army. That there are no civil
populations whatsoever who are demanding that government troops remain in
those places. And that the number is 7 because it is a symbolic number for
the zapatistas.
The EZLN will not make contact with the government until the signals are
completed, because it does not want dialogue to again be a deception. The
zapatistas want dialogue to take place and for it to be successful so
there can, in that way, be an end to the war, to the causes which led to
it, and in order to be able to engage in politics like any other Mexican
citizen. Vale. Salud and may those who make history finally find a place
in it.
From the mountains of the Mexican Southeast.
Originally published in Spanish by the EZLN. Translated by irlandesa (more
info: www.ezln.org)
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