Nature and Politics
by Jeffrey St. Clair and Alexander Cockburn
Bush's Pardons Were Worse
The Republicans squawked delightedly about the Rich pardon and about the
vindication of their charge that Clinton is morally beyond the pale, the
worst of the worst. Who do they think they're kidding? Let's just take
another look at those pardons issued by George W. Bush at the onset and
conclusion of his presidential term.
In 1989 president Bush used his power to pardon a long-time Soviet spy who
had been prudent enough to offer $1.3 million to Ronald Reagan's
presidential library, plus a $110,000 disbursement to the Republican
National Committee, this latter bribe being made in the week of Bush's
inauguration. The pardon duly came a few months later, on August 14, 1989.
The spy was Armand Hammer whose successful maneuvers for his pardon are
hilariously described in Edward Jay Epstein's brilliant 1996 book on
Hammer, "Dossier." Epstein describes how Hammer had bizarrely hoped he
would be in line for a Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to foster
US-Soviet understanding. To this end he lobbied both Prince Charles and the
then-Israeli prime minister, Menachem Begin, who duly nominated him for the
Peace Prize. But Hammer discovered that no one with a criminal conviction
had ever won the Nobel award. On his record there was the embarrassment (a
trifling one, given his amazing career as a spy and oil bandit, eliciting
no less than six federal investigations dating back to 1938) of a federal
misdemeanor conviction in 1976 concerning illegal campaign contributions to
Nixon amid the Watergate crisis to pay off the burglars in the early 1970s.
So he needed a pardon.
Hammer made his $1.3 million pledge to the Reagan library and began to
agitate for a pardon. The FBI alerted the Reagan White House to ongoing
investigations of Hammer for attempting to bribe members of the Los Angeles
City Council to the tune of $120,000 to give a green light to Hammer's
company, Occidental Petroleum, to drill off the California coast.
Nonetheless it seemed that the pardon would come through in Reagan's
parting hours. Then a hitch arose. Hammer had asked Reagan for a pardon
based on innocence. As he had pleaded guilty to the misdemeanors, even the
compliant Reagan White House couldn't oblige.
Hammer shifted gears and greeted the incoming president Bush with the
request for a pardon based on compassion, which Bush gave him. Ever the
businessman, Hammer felt that since Reagan hadn't come through, he had no
obligation to pony up the $1.3 million he'd promised to the library (which
subsequently sued Hammer to try and get the money anyway). He did make the
$110,000 br..., uh, contribution, to the RNC. So he got his pardon, though
alas not his Peace Prize, which in 1989 went to the Dalai Lama.
Now let's go to the other end of Bush time. As he left town, Bush pardoned,
among others, Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, former Assistant
Secretary of State Elliott Abrams, former National Security Council
Director Robert McFarlane, and three former CIA men: Duane "Dewey"
Clarridge, Alan Fiers, and Clair George. Abrams, Fiers, George, and
McFarlane had all been convicted of withholding information from Congress
in connection with its investigation of the Iran-Contra scandal. Clarridge
was facing trial. Weinberger had been indicted by special prosecutor
Lawrence Walsh on the eve of the 1992 election.
At the time of the pardons, Walsh said bitterly, "It demonstrates that
powerful people with powerful allies can commit serious crimes in high
office--deliberately abusing the public trust--without consequence." But
there was more to this pardon than just getting some former criminal
associates off the hook. Walsh said that new evidence had come to light in
the form of notes taken by Weinberger, suggesting that as vice president
Bush had been in the loop on the Iran-contra deals. Said Walsh, "In light
of President Bush's own misconduct, we are gravely concerned by his
decision to pardon others who lied to Congress and obstructed official
investigations."
In other words, Walsh was suggesting that outgoing president Bush had
pardoned Weinberger to ensure the silence of a man who could testify about
his own criminal complicity in the Iran-Contra scandal.
These days Republicans are shouting that it's unprecedented to pardon a man
who has not faced trial, as was the case with Marc Rich. Walsh made the
same point in 1993. Ford pardoned Nixon before the latter was indicted; and
Bush pardoned Weinberger and Clarridge, post-indictment, but before trial.
One final point. Clinton is savagely denounced for using military
adventures to distract attention from his own predicaments. Look at the
timing of Bush's sudden decision to commit US forces to Somalia. The
concern with Somalia was always somewhat bizarre, but it sure did take
those Bush pardons out of the headlines.
And now? Well, all this fuss about Clinton's pardon of Rich sure distracts
attention from the mountain of evidence that George W. Bush is the
beneficiary of a fixed election. Which offense is greater: pardoning Marc
Rich, or stealing the White House?
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