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Nature and Politics
by Jeffrey St. Clair and Alexander Cockburn
The Military's Toxic Timebombs
The nation's biggest polluter isn't a corporation. It's the Pentagon. Every
year the Dept. of Defense churns out more than 750,000 tons of hazardous
waste--more than the top three chemical companies combined.
Yet the military remains largely exempt from most federal and many state
environmental laws. And in 1998, Congress shielded the Pentagon from having
to pay out environmental fines and penalties when it gets caught violating
the few laws that do govern the military's conduct, such as the Superfund
Act. This has led lawyer Jonathon Turley, director of the Environmental
Crimes Project at George Washington University, to call the Pentagon the
nation's "premier environmental villain."
The EPA estimates that the total liability for the cleanup of military
toxic sites will exceed $350 billion, or five times the Superfund liability
of private industry. The Clinton administration didn't spend nearly enough
to begin cleaning up these sites, and didn't keep a very close eye on how
the Pentagon spent the money it got. During Clintontime the Dept. of
Defense spent only $3.5 billion a year cleaning up toxic military sites,
much of that on studies, not actual work. In 1998, the Defense Science
Review Board, a federal advisory committee set up to provide independent
advice to the Secretary of Defense, looked at the problem and concluded
that the Pentagon had no clear environmental clean up policy, goals, or
program.
But if the Clinton program was chintzy, the Bush plan is downright
penurious. While Bush aims to boost overall Pentagon spending by $14.2
billion, the administration would slash its environmental remediation
program, overseen by the Office of Environmental Cleanup and the Defense
Environmental Restoration Program, by more than 7.5%.
Moreover, the Bush defense plan calls for "new rounds of base closures" in
order to "shape the military more efficiently." Efficiency is usually a
code word for sidestepping environmental rules. And that's exactly what the
Bush plan aims to do by slashing the "rules and regulations that now govern
the process." The problem is that most of the sites the Bush crowd are
anxious to transfer into private or state hands are old bombing and
training grounds.
These sites, which total more than 50 million acres, are among the most
insidious and dangerous legacies left by the military. They are strewn with
toxic bomb fragments, unexploded munitions, buried hazardous waste, fuel
dumps, open pits filled with debris, and burn piles. An internal EPA memo
from 1998 warned of the looming problem: "As measured by acres, and
probably as measured by number of sites, ranges and buried munitions
represent the largest cleanup program in the US."
The Pentagon dragged its feet, earning a stern rebuke in April of 1999 from
the EPA's assistant administrator, Tim Fields. "For many reasons, it
appears that closed, transferred, and transferring military ranges are not
being adequately addressed in a manner consistent with accepted
environmental or explosive safety standards and practices."
A new report released on April 9 by the Government Accounting Office
exposes the problem in harsh terms. The GAO charges that the Pentagon
doesn't even have an accurate inventory of its training sites and the kind
and amount of munitions used on them.
Typically, the Pentagon, desperate to keep most of its budget set aside for
acquisitions, has lied about how much it will cost to clean up the mess on
its training grounds. In its fiscal year 2000 budget request, the Defense
Department estimated its total liability for dealing with these problems at
$14 billion. But the GAO investigators uncovered another internal Pentagon
estimate placing the figure at more than $100 billion. The Navy, for
example, has failed to disclose the cost of handling its obsolete nuclear
reactors and mounting piles of radioactive waste, which could alone total
more than $13.5 billion.
When a site gets too polluted, the Pentagon has chosen to close it down and
turn it over to another federal agency. Over the past couple of decades the
Pentagon has transferred more than 16 million acres, often with little or
no remediation. The former bombing areas have been turned into wildlife
refuges, city and state parks, golf courses, landfills, airports, and
shopping malls. Serious contamination of streams, soil, and groundwater is
a problem at nearly every military training ground. The sites are often
saturated with heavy metals and other pollutants, as well as unexploded
ordnance.
The GAO list of the kinds of unexploded munitions left behind on many
training sites reads like a catalogue for a Middle East arms show: "hand
grenades, rockets, guided missiles, projectiles, mortars, rifle grenades,
and bombs."
Many of these former training grounds are located near growing communities.
In fact, the recently closed Lowry Bombing Range, outside of Denver, is
adjacent to a site where the Cherry Creek School District is planning to
construct two schools and a football stadium. The Forest Service has been
forced to close thousands of acres it has acquired from the Army because of
the presence of live ordnance. In 1999, a hiker on a national forest in
Colorado stumbled across an unexploded bomb at Camp Hale, a site used for
training mountain troops during World War II and since transferred to the
Forest Service. The following year, five live rifle grenades were found
near the same site.
An EPA report from September of 1999 looked at 61 current or former
Pentagon training bases and found that there had been "unexploded ordnance
incidents" on 24 sites, including "five accidental explosions, which
resulted in two injuries and three fatalities."
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