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After Genoa--Carrying On: Why We Need to Stay in the Streets
by Starhawk, www.starhawk.org
Since Genoa, there has been lots of healthy debate about where the
movement needs to go. The large scale protests are becoming more dangerous
and difficult. The summits are moving to inaccessible locations. The IMF
and the World Bank and the G8 and the WTO continue to do their business.
Are we being effective enough to justify the risks we're taking? Should we
be focusing more on local work, building our day-to-day networking and
organizing?
I was in Genoa. Because of what I experienced there, including the moments
of real terror and horror, I am more convinced than ever that we need to
stay in the streets. We need to continue mounting large actions,
contesting summits, working on the global scale.
Our large scale actions have been extraordinarily effective. I've heard
despairing counsels that the protests have not affected the debates in the
G8 or the WTO or the IMF/World Bank. In fact they have, they have
significantly changed the agendas and the propaganda issuing forth. In any
case, the actual policies of these institutions will be the last thing to
change. But for most of us on the streets, changing the debate within
these institutions is not our purpose. Our purpose is to undercut their
legitimacy, to point a spotlight at their programs and policies, and to
raise the social costs of their existence until they become insupportable.
Contesting the summits has delegitimized these institutions in a way no
local organizing possibly can. The big summit meetings are elaborate
rituals, ostentatious shows of power that reinforce the entitlement and
authority of the bodies they represent. When those bodies are forced to
meet behind walls, to fight a pitched battle over every conference, to
retreat to isolated locations, the ritual is interrupted and their
legitimacy is undercut. The agreements that were being negotiated in
secret are brought out into the spotlight of public scrutiny. The lie that
globalization means democracy is exposed; and the mask of benevolence is
ripped off.
Local organizing simply can't do this as effectively as the big
demonstrations. Local organizing is vital, and there are other things it
does do: outreach, education, movement building, the creation of viable
alternatives, the amelioration of some of the immediate effects of global
policy. We can't and won't abandon the local, and in fact never have: many
of us work on both scales. No one can go to every summit: we all need to
root ourselves in work in our own communities. But many of us have come to
the larger, global actions because we understand that the trade agreements
and institutions we contest are designed to undo all of our local work and
override the decisions and aspirations of local communities.
We can make it a conscious goal of every large scale action to strengthen
local networks and support local organizing. Aside from Washington DC,
Brussels, or Geneva, which have no choice, no city is ever going to host
one of these international meetings twice. Even now, we hear rumors that
Washington is considering relocating or limiting the upcoming IMF/World
Bank meeting. But if we find ways to organize mass actions that leave
resources and functioning coalitions behind, then each grand action can
strengthen and support the local work that continues on a daily basis.
Summits won't remain the nice, juicy, targets that they are for long. Over
the last two years, we've reaped an agenda of meetings that were set and
contracted for before Seattle. Now that they are locating the meetings in
ever more obscure and isolated venues, we need a strategy that can allow
us to continue building momentum.
As an example, some of us have been talking about linked, large-scale
regional actions targeting stock exchanges and financial institutions when
the WTO meets in Qatar in November. The message we'll be sending is: "If
you move the summits beyond our reach, and continue the policies of power
consolidation and wealth concentration, then social unrest will spread
beyond these specific institutions to challenge the whole structure of
global corporate capitalism itself."
Marches, teach-ins, countersummits, programs of positive alternatives
alone can't pose this level of threat to the power structure, but combined
with direct action on the scale we've now reached, they can.
Of course, the more successful we are, the meaner they get. But when they
use force against us, we still win, even though the victory comes at a
high cost. Systems of power maintain themselves through our fear of the
force they can command, but force is costly. They cannot sustain
themselves if they have to actually use force in order to accomplish every
normal function.
Genoa was a victory won at a terrible price. I hope never to undergo
another night like I spent when they raided the IMC and the Diaz school,
knowing that atrocities were being done just across the way and not being
able to stop them. I ache and grieve and rage over the price. I would do
almost anything to assure that no one, especially no young person, ever
suffers such brutality again.
Almost anything. Anything except backing away from the struggle. Because
that level of violence and brutality is being enacted, daily, all over the
world. It's the shooting of four students in New Guinea, the closing of a
school in Senegal, the work quota in a maquiladora on the Mexican border,
the clearcutting of a forest in Oregon, the price of privatized water in
Cochabamba. It's the violence being perpetrated on the bodies of youth,
especially youth of color, in prisons all over the United States, and the
brutality and murder going on in Colombia, Palestine, and Venezuela. And
it's
the utter disregard for the integrity of the ecosystems that sustain us
all.
I don't see the choice as being between the danger of a large action and
safety. I no longer see any place of safety. Or rather, I see that in the
long run our safest course is to act strongly now. The choice is about
when and how we contest the powers that are attempting to close all
political space for true dissent.
Genoa made clear that they will fight ruthlessly to defend the
consolidation of their power, but we still have a broad space in which to
organize and mount large actions. We need to defend that space by using
it, filling and broadening it.
Either we continue to fight them together now when we can mount
large-scale, effective actions, or we fight them later in small, isolated
groups, or alone when they break down the doors of our homes in the middle
of the night. Either we wage this struggle when there are still living
forests, running rivers, and resilience left in the life support systems
of the planet, or we fight when the damage is even deeper and the hope of
healing slim.
We have many choices about how to wage the struggle. We can be more
strategic, more creative, more skillful in what we do. We can learn to
better prepare people for what they might face, and to better support
people afterwards. We have deep questions to consider about violence and
nonviolence, about our tactics and our long range vision, which I hope to
address in a later posting.
But those choices remain only so long as we keep open the space in which
to make them. We need to grow, not shrink. We need to explore and claim
new political territory. We need the actions of this autumn to be bigger,
wilder, more creatively outrageous and inspiring than ever, from the
IMF/World Bank actions in Washington DC at the end of September to the
many local and regional actions in November when the WTO meets in Qatar.
We need to stay in the streets.
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