The Whole World Is Watching
by Troy Skeels
We who claim to have a vision have a responsibility to be strong, to be
clear, and, above all, to extend our compassion to all people, whether we
agree with their politics, their apparent ignorance, or their fear. As we
call for peace we also must address the criminal horror of September 11 and
its demand for justice. If we call for peace simply because we are
pacifists, that will not be enough. We who have found violence to be
inappropriate for ourselves cannot simply insist that we are right and
expect to make sense. We have to be clear that by "peace," we include
justice, and need to articulate appropriate mechanisms for that justice.
We've got to get beyond nonviolence as a moral issue and address it as a
practical matter.
Those of us who are activists are more fortunate than many others in this
terrible time. We have faced violence and fear together and learned to rely
on our companions and associates in the midst of chaos and violence. We
know what our work is, and have ideas of how we might be useful and how we
can respond. We have networks to enable that response. We have a context
for events that does not rely on statements from an absent president. We
realize that the terror that has hit home is unusual in particular but not
in kind, that this cycle of murder and grief goes on, often in our name. We
have a vision of a world without terrorism from any quarter, without
massive death and destruction in any country. We are warriors for peace in
a world at war.
America in general is not so fortunate. For many, many Americans, the
Pentagon is what defends them. They don't have another community
they can trust, another context. The Pentagon, like the White House, is one
of America's "talking buildings." It speaks words of strength and comfort
on behalf of America.
For many Americans, the world they knew on Monday has been destroyed. Their
sense of safety and security was not simply damaged, but completely
obliterated.
My vision of America was not destroyed on September 11, because the America
of my vision has not yet been born. The struggle toward that America began
before I was born and will continue after my death.
The work feels harder now, I am more dispirited. I am afraid America's
retribution will be indiscriminate, mis-targeted, and only perpetuate the
cycle of violence. I am afraid of how our cynical leaders will use this
incident to enhance their own benighted control, and that many Americans
will be eager to surrender liberty in the name of a return to our insular
safety.
But none of my fears are new. America is already deeply engaged in the
cycle of terror. Authoritarians are always working to undermine America's
foundation of freedom. This moment, in all its facets, was always seemingly
inevitable. I am frightened, but my work hasn't changed. Whatever happens,
I know where I stand. And I'm pretty sure that acting from fear will only
feed the monster.
Activists normally distrust the media and know how little most of what big
media says is based in reality. Perversely, we tend to give the media the
benefit of the doubt when the report reinforces our paranoia. We should
probably be especially skeptical of the news that most frightens us. Most
certainly we should not let our fears fill in the gaps in information.
Within hours after the attacks on New York and the Pentagon, the media
reported that rockets had exploded outside Kabul, the capitol of
Afghanistan. I heard several times, including once from a speaker at a
peace rally, that it was the result of a US response. As it turns out, it
was an apparent rebel attack, the kind that happen regularly in
Afghanistan, which is in the middle of a civil war.
Such attacks rarely make western media and when they do, they are usually
buried. We all have a lot of self-education to do on a number of issues,
including the political situation inside Afghanistan. We should be careful
about making assertions about our government's actions, in any arena,
before we have done that homework. We need to speak out, but we need to be
informed before we do so. Otherwise, we risk joining those currently
speaking out against mosques, Islam, and anyone perceived as Arab.
We need to think hard about legitimate security increases vs. unjustified
curtailments of civil liberties. Sometimes good security is common sense
and not all of it is designed by fascists.
The political and military leadership of the US is deeply compromised in
all of this. They cannot afford much examination of their lapses, their
encouragements, their compromises on behalf of profit and power, their
cavalier use of lives in the "Great Game." Osama bin Laden, like Sadaam
Hussein before him and Manuel Noriega before him, was once an asset of the
US military/intelligence apparatus. Timothy McVeigh was a decorated Gulf
War veteran. The policies and attitudes of that leadership are coming home.
Unable to find an outside villain, the nation's anger could turn on the
political leadership as easily as any other party. That concern helps drive
the government's plans for a military response, to assign guilt on
convenient "others," and take telegenic action to provide a cathartic
release. The political and economic leadership are themselves terrified.
That makes them doubly dangerous. But they don't work so hard at
oppression, propaganda, and violence because they are strong. They do it
because they're weak. They don't have an answer; they only have weapons.
When panicked, they will use them.
We have no weapons, we only have the strength of those around the world
working for peaceful change. Global civil society stands with us and we
with them. America is not immune from the world's pain, but neither are we
isolated from the world's support. When we call for peace and for
appropriate justice we are supported by the voices of countless
individuals and even governments throughout the world. Those voices, in
many ways, will be more persuasive than our own. We need to call upon that
international community for its ideas and its support. We can't do it
alone.
|