Media Watch
by Maria Tomchick
Crisis in Afghanistan
The U.S. press is downplaying the threat of civil war in Afghanistan. On
July 22-24, several articles appeared in US newspapers and on the two main
wire services regarding a threat to Afghan President Hamid Karzai and his
subsequent request for US troops to serve as his personal bodyguards in
Kabul. Only two of these articles examine the nature of the threat:
factional fighting within his own government.
The first article to appear, datelined July 22, was by Dusan Stojanovic of
the Associated Press, filed from Kabul. His article "Afghan Leader's Safety
Fears Mount," opens with the astounding assertion: "President Hamid Karzai
has sidelined his Afghan bodyguards and called in US troops to replace them
in a sign of rising security fears following the murder of an Afghan vice
president, his aide said Monday. Diplomats said the move followed 'serious
threats' against Karzai, some believed to have come from within his own
cabinet." While Stojanovic follows this bombshell with reassuring quotes
from Donald Rumsfeld and Karzai aide Fazel Akbar, his article also contains
other, important bits of information:
"A Western diplomat said on condition of anonymity that Karzai faced
'serious threats' not only from remnants of the Taliban and al-Qaida but
from warlords furious over Karzai's recent order to disband their private
forces--whose presence is one of the most serious problems facing the
government."
And:
"...warlords are reluctant to hand over weapons and troops to the national
army. A new, internationally trained battalion provided security for the
loya jirga in June, but more than one-third of the soldiers have since left
the unit because of lack of support from Fahim's Ministry of Defense,
according to the United Nations" (Note: Stojanovic doesn't mention that the
"troops" who guarded the loya jirga entered the assembly tent--against the
rules of the assembly--and harassed and threatened delegates; some even
made death threats against specific delegates, including outspoken women.)
And:
"Fahim, an ethnic Tajik, who commanded the Northern Alliance forces that
chased the Taliban from Kabul with US help last year, has an estimated 300
tanks and 500 armored personnel carriers at his disposal. Some Western
diplomats consider Fahim's force a possible threat to Karzai's
administration, although none alleged he was part of any specific plot.
They say that if Fahim wanted to topple Karzai, an ethnic Pashtun, he could
easily sweep aside the lightly armed International Security Assistance
Force that has been entrusted with Kabul's security."
And regarding the recently-murdered vice president:
"Qadir was the second government minister killed in Kabul in six months.
Abdul Rahman, the minister of aviation and tourism was killed in February
at the Kabul airport. Witnesses said he was killed by would-be pilgrims
furious over delayed flights to Saudi Arabia, but Karzai blamed a plot
among high-ranking officials in his own government."
Is Karzai being paranoid, or is he a sensible, frightened man caught in a
power struggle?
Carlotta Gall of the New York Times, whose article appeared on July 22,
doesn't consider this question; her article, also filed from Kabul, leans
heavily on soothing quotes from Donald Rumsfeld and Karzai spokesman Said
Tayab Jawab. She mentions only that "While Afghanistan's military and
police forces remain disparate groupings loyal to individual commanders,
security remains precarious throughout the country"--a polite and oddly
vague way to describe the huge personal armies held by private warlords and
the chaos reigning outside of Kabul, where rapes, murders, looting and
robbery by private militias continue, where the largest trucking union is
on strike to protest the lack of security (which has cut off large areas of
the countryside from an adequate food supply), and where aid workers and
doctors have been assaulted, raped, and murdered.
Only at the very end of her article does she hint at the problems within
Karzai's government: "The extra security given Mr. Karzai will please many
of his supporters, but it has also created tensions in Kabul. The decision
has angered some members of the Defense Ministry, which is run by Marshal
Muhammad Qasim Fahim, an ethnic Tajik who fiercely guards his position of
power in Kabul." She goes on to give a reason for the anger, which has
nothing to do with Fahim's drive to guard his position of power: "Some
Defense Ministry commandos, who have been responsible for the president's
security since his arrival in the capital in December, admitted that they
were unhappy about the takeover by Americans because it would make the
president appear even more in the American pocket."
Hhm. "In the American pocket," eh? This hints at the problems encountered
by delegates at the Loya Jirga and the undemocratic way Karzai and his US
advisors handled his reappointment. Gall admits that there is a perception
in Kabul that Karzai wasn't democratically elected, but she leaves it at
that. She certainly doesn't discuss the rivalry between Karzai and Fahim,
but skirts around the unpleasant truth.
Later articles seem to stray further from this key point. An LA Times
article on July 23, written by Greg Miller in Washington DC, is dominated
by Rumsfeld quotes. And on July 25, Reuters wire service finally weighs in
with an anemic piece with no byline. It contains the obligatory Rumsfeld
quotes, more soothing quotes from an Afghan Interior Ministry security
chief, and less information than any of the other articles to date.
As for our local newspapers, the Post-Intelligencer ran a story entitled
"US gives Afghan leader a palace guard" under the "P-I News Services"
byline--a signal that it was pieced together by a P-I staff writer from
numerous sources. Instead of being a tasty selection of the best paragraphs
from Stojanovic's original story, the P-I chose to crib the worst bits from
Carlotta Gall's wimpy New York Times piece.
On the other hand, The Seattle Times chose to reprint a portion of
Stojanovic's story. It was a good choice, but the editorial cuts were
cowardly. Of the four paragraphs quoted above, the Times ran only the first
one and cut the rest, but included the soothing Rumsfeld pap. The overall
effect is to downplay the threat from within Karzai's government and play
up the threat from Al Qaeda and Taliban remnants.
Finally, on July 24, the Washington Post ran an interesting analysis of the
situation: "Rivalry Revived in Afghanistan," written by Susan B. Glasser
and filed from Kabul. Glasser details the background of the Karzai/Fahim
rivalry and describes the problems with an overly aggressive Afghan secret
service with 30,000 employees--all loyal to Fahim.
Glasser firmly places Karzai's request for US bodyguards within its proper
context: "But Karzai clearly has become worried about his safety, and this
week he asked the US military to provide him with bodyguards and dismissed
his Afghan security unit. The Afghan guards were loyal to Fahim." Notably,
Glasser's article has not been picked up and widely reprinted, and has not
appeared in the Seattle press at all.
Our newspapers have clearly closed ranks to help the "War on Terrorism" and
are not interested in the real situation inside Afghanistan. The Afghan
central government remains confined to Kabul, has produced only 350 troops
so far for its national army (with only another 400 or so undergoing basic
training), and the undemocratic inclusion of warlords within Karzai's
cabinet has both alienated common Afghanis and created a security nightmare
that has set the nation on the road to another civil war. In the meantime,
stories calling for increasing the presence of international security
troops within the provinces and increasing the amount of aid dollars have
found no venue.
We could easily blame George W. Bush and his administration for failures in
Afghanistan, but the US press is equally to blame and should feel shame for
its inattention to this critical story.
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