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Life During Wartime
by Maria Tomchick
Life during wartime is a funny thing. I don't realize we're still at war
until I open the newspaper and read that Henry Kissinger is the dove
leading the opposition against a war with Iraq.
I also read in the paper that newly declassified documents from the State
Department show Henry Kissinger and other Ford Administration officials to
be responsible for state terror in Argentina.
From 1975-1984, a group of generals ran the government of Argentina. This
military junta was responsible for setting up and running death
squads--usually called "paramilitary" groups, in order to confuse us about
their real mission, which is to murder labor activists, human rights
workers, social justice organizers, and politicians from opposition
parties. In Argentina, some of those murdered activists and organizers were
US citizens.
In the summer and fall of 1976, just as these Argentine death squads were
at the height of their depredations, the US Ambassador to Argentina, a man
named Robert Hill, was scolding the Argentine government about its human
rights record. His pleas fell on deaf ears, because Argentine officials had
already been to Washington DC and met with Henry Kissinger and other
members of the Ford administration, who had encouraged them to get their
"terrorist problem under control as quickly as possible." Kissinger wasn't
referring to the death squads as terrorists. No, he was referring to the
activists and opposition groups who were fighting for democracy and for
social and economic justice in Argentina.
Hhhmm. I also read in the newspaper about a covert program to aid Iraq
during its war with Iran in the 1980s--when Iraq was using chemical weapons
against its Kurdish population. The Reagan administration voiced protests
in the press and at the UN, but didn't withdraw its covert support to
Saddam Hussein, which included 60 US Defense Intelligence Agency officers
who "provided detailed information on Iranian deployments, tactical battle
planning, plans for airstrikes and bomb-damage assessments for the Iraqi
general staff." They also provided satellite photographs of the Iranian
troop deployments. The Iraqis freely shared their battle plans with DIA
officers, "without admitting the use of chemical weapons," but it became
obvious to the world--and to the DIA--what was going on. Nevertheless,
"Reagan, Vice President George Bush--father of the current president--and
senior national-security aides never withdrew their support for the highly
classified program."
More importantly, they never even threatened to withdraw support. As
retired Colonel Walter Lang, who was the senior DIA officer at the time,
has said: "The use of gas on the battlefield by the Iraqis was not a matter
of deep strategic concern." Another, anonymous veteran of the DIA program
also said that the administration "wasn't so horrified by Iraq's use of
gas. It was just another way of killing people."
Just another way of killing people. Flying an airplane into a building is
just another way of killing people, too, but it's one we object to because
we, Americans, are the target. When Kurds and Iranians are the targets of
Sarin, mustard gas, VX, and other chemical agents, then there's no moral
quandary. It's just another way of killing people--one that elder statesmen
like George Bush Sr. or Henry Kissinger don't find objectionable at all.
We can assume George W. Bush, our current president, doesn't find it
particularly objectionable, either--in spite of his public comments
condemning it. He still maintains a close relationship with his father, who
never condemned the gassing in public, as others did at the time. Secretary
of State George Schultz, Defense Secretary Frank Carlucci, and National
Security Advisor Colin Powell all spoke out against Iraq's use of chemical
weapons. But not George Bush Sr.
We could shrug our shoulders and say "well, that was all in the past.
Things are different now." However, that past is not so far away, nor so
distant that our government isn't still using the same justifications for
supporting dictators today.
For example, George W. Bush is supporting a dictator in Pakistan, Gen.
Pervez Musharraf, who just unilaterally rewrote his country's constitution
to give himself veto power over all branches of the Pakistani government,
including Parliament and the Supreme Court. Musharraf's military trained
and armed the Taliban, and helped hundreds of them escape Afghanistan eight
months ago. The Pakistani military also trained and armed Kashmiri
militants who are attacking and killing women and children in India. If we
must remove someone as head of state of an "evil" dictatorship, why not
Musharraf?
Repression, killing, ethnic fighting, murder of human rights workers--these
are all signs of "stability" to men like Kissinger and George W. Bush.
Women and children, labor unionists, poets, songwriters, and activists are
a "terrorist problem."
And Musharraf is our strongman with his finger on the nuclear button and an
arsenal of chemical weapons at his side. One day, a decade from now, we
might debate removing him from office to boost our own president's sagging
approval rating. We'll trot out the evidence we've known all along: support
for the Taliban, for Kashmiri militants, torture and repression, no
democratic elections, etc. Musharraf might even use chemical or nuclear
weapons with our government's silent, secret blessing.
Meanwhile, the only criminal court our government supports is a parade of
US Defense Department spokesmen aired on CNN.
Life during wartime is more than strange. It's hypocritical.
Sources for this article include: "Argentina regime had US support," James
Dao, The New York Times reprinted in the Seattle Post-Intelligencer,
8/22/02, A9; "Officers say US ignored Iraq's use of gas against Iran,"
Patrick E. Tyler, The NY Times reprinted in The Seattle Times, 8/18/02, A1;
and "Constitution amended in Pakistan, US stays mum as Musharraf seeks to
expand executive power," David Rohde, The NY Times reprinted in the Seattle
P-I, 8/22/02, A4.
Ed note: Among Reagan administration officials who knew of, but failed
to condemn, Saddam Hussein's use of chemical weapons of mass destruction
was its Ambassador for Middle Eastern Affairs. He was in Baghdad literally
on the day the use of these weapons was revealed, and, according to New
York Times and Washington Post accounts of his meetings with
Iraqi officials, did not speak of the weapons' use. His name was Donald
Rumsfeld.
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