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Uncle oSAMa?
by Geov Parrish
Among the left-leaning portion of the riotous collision of political
beliefs converging in the US to oppose an invasion of Iraq, one recent
image stands out--both for its popularity and the questions its popularity
raises. That image, first distributed in late September as one of
TomPaine.com's advertisements in the New York Times and on TomPaine's web
site, shows Osama bin Laden in an Uncle Sam outfit, with a riff on the
iconic military recruiting poster: "I want YOU to invade Iraq."
Given the flood of assorted lobbying efforts, ads, flyers, and images
generated in opposition to the Bush Administration's Saddam Hussein
obsession, the buzz on the Uncle oSAMa poster was astonishing. At least a
half dozen times I encountered people or groups that were not just
enthusiastic, but insistent: "You MUST get this image out!" A lot of people
did, indeed, get it out. And it is undeniably powerful. But why?
As with all good political art, part of the reason is that while the poster
is a clear message (of opposition), it's open to interpretation. People
convinced the Bush Administration is a bunch of genocidally-minded
fundamentalist zealots naturally assume that the implication is simple:
Bush (or America) = bin Laden. But the more common assumption is that it
means that bin Laden (should he be alive) would be delighted by an American
invasion of Iraq--that it would fuel not just Al-Qaeda's recruiting
efforts, but anti-American hatred throughout the Islamic world (and
beyond), and, ultimately or perhaps quite immediately, bring his
apocalyptic vision of world war between Islam and Christianity to fruition.
That particular point--that with an invasion the opinion of America on the
Islamic street will plunge even further, and often into the territory of
blind hatred--is virtually unarguable; proponents of invading Iraq (and the
inevitable next imperial war, should Iraq go well) seem to think that most
Iraqis will welcome America's troops as liberators from Saddam, and that
any other Islamic opposution isn't really that important and can be dealt
with by the US, Israel, or any of our fine, American-armed dictators (and
their American-trained secret police and torture chambers) in the region.
And besides, they'll either a) get over it, or b) alwyas hate America
anyway, because we're such a beacon of freedom and democracy and "they"
just naturally hate that sort of thing.
There's no doubt that Islamic reaction--and the possibility for expanded
and indeterminate war in a volatile, resource-rich (and hence coveted), and
heavily-armed part of the world--is one of the several major reasons for
opposing Bush's war plans. But the popularity of the TomPaine.com image
speaks to another, generally overlooked part of the anti-invasion movement.
The poster is powerful precisely because most people find the idea of
abetting Osama bin Laden to be repugnant. In other words, a
significant--probably the most significant--portion of the war opposition
also loathes Osama bin Laden and what he represents.
That's not nearly as obvious an observation as one might think.
Unfortunately, the anti-war movement--particularly its major street
demonstrations--have frequently been represented, from the stage and in the
media, by ideological fringe elements like ANSWER ("America Needs Slogans
With Empty Rhetoric!")--which is to say, the International Answer
Center--which is to say, Ramsey Clark, he of the Slobodan Milosevic (and
Rwandan genocide) Fan Club--which is to say, your Stalin-loving friends at
the Workers' World Party. Or, similarly, Not In Our Name, a movement
sparked by your Maoist friends at the Revolutionary Communist Party.
Whatever else can be said of these political dinosaurs, most opponents of
Iraq invasion don't share their foreign policy views on a wide range of
topics. But the TomPaine.com poster takes the formulation one step further.
If we are to believe the numbers in public opinion polls--and while many
progressives don't, stay with me a moment--something like 70-80% of
Americans favored a military response after 9/11, while up to two-thirds of
Americans either outright oppose invading Iraq or support it only under the
condition that either it's supported by "the international community"
(highly dubious); or that America not incur many casualties in such an
invasion (dubious, and verging on delusional).
Why would someone support, say, invading Afghanistan, and oppose invading
Iraq? The reasons are many and compelling. Al-Qaeda and its ilk represent
far more of a threat in the region, on US soil, and to the world. The
Afghan connection to 9/11 was much clearer, as was the argumeent of
self-defense. We're not done in Afghanistan yet. America can't afford two
major wars. Preemptive, unprovoked attack violates both international law
and sets a horrible political and military precedent, one likely to rebound
against America itself. The objective of preventing anti-American terrorism
will be ill-served by invading Iraq and inciting more terrorists. The list
goes on.
Such arguments are the political center in this debate. They are neither
reflexively anti-war nor anti-Bush. They are respectful of the military and
of America. They take the initial and perhaps most important of George
Bush's ever-shifting rationales for the War on Terror at face value--that
above all else, it's our government's responsibility to its citizens to do
all it can to prevent attacks like 9/11 from happening again.
One can certainly also argue that America's foreign policy, with its
imperial arrogance and ever-mounting wake of "collateral damage,"
represents as morally repugnant a spectacle as bin Laden's fundamentalism;
certainly, both result in the loss of untold innocent lives, and it's not
clear whether it's better or worse that America's is in the service of a
more clearly defined, and more achievable, objective, or that that
objective (global imperial dominance) is better or worse than bin Laden's
dreams of global theocracy. But bin Laden is no political leader; he's the
titular head of a wide-ranging network of murderers who wrap their rage in
political and religious motives and apply it to massive crimes. While bin
Laden's professed motives for 9/11--US troops in Saudi Arabia, support for
Israel's repression of Palestinians, and imposition of deadly economic
sanctions against Iraq--are legitimate grievances, almost all progressives
(let alone the rest of the country) are against him, not with him.
The movement to forestall--or cut short--an increasingly likely invasion of
Iraq needs to make this very clear. Various movements are afoot to supplant
groups like ANSWER in providing a public face to the anti-war impulse. They
need a message, and it's not enough that it won't center on freeing Mumia
(or Milosevic). And the message is as simple as Osama in Uncle Sam garb.
It's time to put the Bush Administration itself on the defensive in the War
On Terror. We want Al-Qaeda and its ilk stopped. They're the problem;
Saddam Hussein, while reprehensible, is not. Are the Bushies with us or
against us?
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