Chew Swallow Digest
by Rick Giombetti
The Trials Of Henry Kissinger
A few hours before I watched "The Trials of Henry Kissinger" the evening of
December 6, veteran peace activist Phillip Berrigan had died of cancer in
Baltimore. Born a half a world apart in the year 1923, it would be
difficult to find greater contrast between the way two men of the World War
II generation led their lives than German-born Henry Kissinger and
Minnesota-born Phillip Berrigan. Just as Berrigan will forever be
remembered for the fervor in which he pursued trying to stop the awesome
violence of the federal government of the United States outside its
borders, Kissinger will forever be remember for the fervor in which he
pursued wielding that violence. Perhaps no one individual ever had more
personal influence over United States government policy outside its borders
than during Kissinger's eight-year reign as National Security Advisor and
Secretary of State from 1969-77.
The occasion for this long overdue documentary is the publication of
Christopher Hitchens' two-part Harper's article in February and March 2001
and his subsequent book, The Trial of Henry Kissinger. The articles
and book led to subpoenas for questioning Kissinger by judges in several
countries. Kissinger soon found his ability to travel around the world more
constricted than ever.
Based on Hitchens writings, the documentary film "Trials..." focuses on
three major Kissinger policy initiatives in three different regions of the
world: Cambodia, Chile, and East Timor, and comes across as an indictment
of Kissinger before a grand jury. All three policies had destructive
consequences, one leading to the death of Chilean democracy and the other
two leading to Cambodia and East Timor getting burned to the ground. Some
critics are likely to characterize this documentary as an unfair roasting
of Kissinger. Roger Ebert, in his Chicago Sun-Times review of the film
argues that "Kissinger's defenders are seen and heard, but hardly given
equal time (with his critics like Hitchens and Seymour Hersch). It feels
somehow as if the filmmakers have chosen just the words they want, and the
context be damned; sophisticated media watchers will note the editing
tricks and suspect the films' motives."
I simply can't agree with this assessment. Here Ebert is blaming somebody
else for Kissinger's own actions and the feeble reasoning of his defenders.
The problem with this kind of criticism is Kissinger's complete
unwillingness to debate these matters publicly with his detractors. Ebert
fails to mention that Kissinger refused to be interviewed for this
documentary. When asked by NBC's Brian Williams about Hitchen's book,
Kissinger refuses to comment and then falsely accuses Hitchens, who is part
Jewish, of being a "Holocaust Denier." I've learned in my short adult life
that a good way to determine how badly a Jewish person with real political
power is behaving is when they start slinging the charge of "anti-Semitism"
and Holocaust Denier" at their critics. It's not the fault of the writer
Alex Gibney and Director Eugene Jarecki that Hitchens' writings about
Kissinger brought out the demagogue in the celebrity statesman. The Brian
Williams interview was all the filmmakers had to go with. Henry Kissinger
definitely gets roasted in "Trials..." and the viewer sees the lead roaster
is Kissinger himself.
What are we to make of the performances of Kissinger's defenders? It's hard
to look good when your leading defender is that great moral philosopher,
former Kissinger aide and Secretary of State, General Alexander Haig. Hark
Haig's answer to the question of whether or not kidnapping and murdering
Chilean General Rene Schnieder in 1970 was a criminal act. When asked by
the interviewer whether or not kidnapping is a crime, Haig gives the
relativistic answer: "It depends on your objectives." Haig knows he is
being interviewed in front of a camera, clearly understands the questions
he is being asked and makes hand gestures to indicate the sincerity of his
position on this matter.
My ringing endorsement of this movie comes with reservations. My main
reservation revolves around the longtime warmongering of Kissinger's
leading detractor, Hitchens. Hitchens pro-war advocacy has only become more
belligerent since September 11. I find it intellectually impossible to
decry Kissinger for his past violent record as a statesman while
simultaneously cheering on the dumping of bombs on defenseless Afghans and
Iraqis today and in the future. In this sense, Hitchens' writings calling
for Kissinger's indictment as a war criminal come across as personal, not
principled.
I highly doubt we'll ever see Kissinger made to answer for his past
actions. Just the fact that Kissinger's ability to travel the globe has
been severely constricted is reason enough to celebrate. However, the
instrument of violence Kissinger wielded with such zeal during his career
as a statesman is still alive and well, and this government will continue
to carry on with its violent ways after Kissinger dies. Only more of the
principled activism of Phil Berrigan, one of the greatest weapons
inspectors the United States ever had, will eventually make it impossible
for another Henry Kissinger to come along and use the federal government of
the United States as an instrument of violence against defenseless people
outside its borders.
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