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Peace on Earth: Maybe Next Year
by Geov Parrish
While millions of Americans are celebrating the birthday of the Prince of
Peace the way we know best--by buying things--the Bush cabal was doing so,
too, by quietly ramping up the already long-running war against Iraq. But
there's also the rest of Earth, all of which, according to official US
foreign policy, is now required to toe the US line or face the wrath of the
Pentagon.
The list of regions where the US is flexing its military muscle at the
moment is without precedent, both for its length and the lack of public
attention. An arbitrary list of the dozen most significant includes:
Afghanistan, where US troops present themselves as daily targets in
their newly established bases across the country, bases ostensibly devoted
to hunting Al-Qaeda and Taliban remnants, but instead mostly focused on
protecting themselves from rival warlord armies and gangs who resent their
presence and who completely control the entire country save the immediate
area around the capital city, Kabul. Meanwhile, the daily lives of
women--whose fate became the propaganda focus of pro-war cheerleading in
the US once leaders realized producing bin-Laden's head on a stick was
neither likely nor desirable--have been no better in the last year, and
remain no better today, than how Afghan women fared under the Taliban. That
was the conclusion of an exhaustively and sickeningly detailed new report
by Human Rights Watch [www.humanrightswatch.org], released last month and
ignored in the US.
While the usual headline fare is how Iraq may or may not be attacked
soon, US and British warplanes have been routinely bombing Iraq since 1998
on a weekly, and more recently near daily, basis. These bombings raise a
host of questions--for example, why are they news everywhere in the world
but here? Or, what happened to the Bush concern for weapons inspections, or
are they just waiting for a UN rubber stamp?--but perhaps the most obvious
was raised in these pages by Maria Tomchick earlier this year: If the Bush
Administration knows that Iraq has facilities producing and/or
storing Weapons of Mass Destruction, why haven't we bombed them, and
announced it to the world?
Meanwhile, of course, the death-dealing economic sanctions also continue.
While it isn't a direct action of US armed forces, most of the Islamic
world, and a lot of the rest of it, consider the United States to be the
force that makes the ongoing brutalization of Palestine possible.
Israel is the largest recipient of US aid, most of it military, even though
Israel, with the world's fourth-largest military, hardly needs it. Much of
the year's military action by Israel has focused on the civilian population
of Palestine, attacks on every major West Bank city, town, and refugee
camp, and the systematic dismantling of its elected government, the
Palestinian Authority. Israel continues, with solitary but unquestioning
diplomatic backing from the US, its willful disregard of UN resolutions, of
demands for inspection of its (covert and illegal) nuclear arms program,
and of the American-brokered Oslo accords. Oslo in particular demanded a
moratorium on further expropriation of Palestinian land for the grotesquely
misnamed "settler" neighborhoods. (Hey, mind if I tear down your house and
"settle" there?) Israel instead continues to expand them. Virtually every
piece of shrapnel in every West Bank refugee camp has "Made in USA" on it.
Literally.
Meanwhile, the US military continues to quietly expand its support of and
direct work with the military (and paramilitaries) responsible for the
worst human rights record in the Western Hemisphere: Colombia. While
support was until this year generally under the cover of War On Drugs
defoliation campaigns, US advisors, weaponry, and private (and CIA)
companies and mercenaries are all lending support to the new far-right
government there.
And in neighboring Venezuela, where the US was by most accounts the
force behind the barely unsuccessful military coup attempt against the
democratically elected government of Hugo Chavez, another attempt to unseat
him is underway through a weeks-long strike led by business leaders,
especially in the oil sector. Not that the Bush Administration cares about
oil.
This past year, the US has also quietly expanded its military presence in a
number of other countries, such as: the Philippines, where
Washington wants to link a homegrown secessionist movement to Al-Qaeda
because it is Islamic; ditto in Indonesia, a country whose military
is still run by the same unpunished folks responsible for mass killing
fields in Timor (West and especially East), Aceh, and other
independence-minded parts of the archipelago; Uzbekistan, a central
Asian dictatorship (also with an Islamic opposition movement) that the US
hopes will be a linchpin against not just Central Asian terror groups, but
also against neighboring China; Georgia, another ex-Soviet republic
with a dubious human rights record, that the US announced a military
partnership with this year--just as Georgia also announced cooperation with
Russia in Moscow's genocidal campaigns against civilians in nearby
Chechnya; Pakistan, the military dictatorship, supporter of terror
groups, and cozy new ally that brought the world to the brink of nuclear
war in its confrontation with India this summer; and Yemen, where US
anti-terror cooperation with Yemeni authorities included the recent,
little-noticed Israeli-style assassination of a suspected Al-Qaeda aide,
convicted of no crime--and the killings also of the four other low-level
opposition activists that happened to be in the car. All died when the US
fired a Predator missile at the car as it sped along a desert highway.
Earlier, the US had almost fired on another car before Yemeni authorities
convinced the Americans, correctly, that the US had misidentified the car's
occupants.
All told, the US military is now active in some 60 countries around the
world. These dozen examples are among the most egregious--and what are we
doing fighting people in even a dozen countries?--but they have several
factors in common:
* No war has been declared against any government in any of them;
* None are on the same continent as the United States, and 10 are not in
the same hemisphere;
* Ten (the exceptions being Iraq and Palestine) represent either new
conflicts or new or significantly expanded US involvement in the last two
years;
* All target Third World, civilian populations;
* In none (save, arguably, the Yemeni assassination efforts when they're
linked to Al-Qaeda) have the targeted people, let alone the governments,
actually attacked the United States;
* In few of these cases have serious attempts been undertaken, especially
by the US government, to find a just and peaceful resolution to the
situation; and most Americans know very little about any of them, and
national corporate reporting is generally either uncritical or, more
commonly, nonexistent.
Can It Possibly Get Better?
With such an imposing and grim recitation, these can seem like dark times
indeed. However, the solstice has just passed; days are getting longer and
brighter. And so it is for the prospects for challenging, and eventually
changing, the government and corporate priorities which make such reflexive
American warmaking possible, in 2003 and beyond.
The most obvious of these is the enormous movement, opposing a preemptive
invasion of Iraq, which in the US has materialized seemingly from nowhere
in the last three months. Its coming-out party was the Congressional vote
authorizing force against Iraq, which looked like a unanimous kiss-kiss
session until the cards, letters, phone calls, faxes, visits, and e-mails
started pouring in--millions of them, running in congressional offices
anywhere from 80 to 99+ percent against the war.
Most remarkably, no single organization, ala the NRA, was orchestrating
this flood; it was unprecedented and truly grass roots.
Then there were the demonstrations: tens and hundreds of thousands of
people in major cities in Europe, Asia, and around the world; tens of
thousands, repeatedly, in major US cities, thousands in smaller ones,
hundreds in the most improbable of small towns. In greater Seattle, there
are peace vigils and events on a literally daily basis, including that
hotbed of radical activism, the Eastside. In every large and small and
liberal and conservative part of the country, among young and old and
counterculture and buttoned-down alike, opposition has been substantial,
and when you add the numbers that support invasion only with international
support or few casualties--both highly unlikely conditions--it becomes what
in any national election would be called a landslide majority.
Most of these opponents are neither reflexively anti-military nor
anti-Bush; they don't want to think of their country as a permanent enemy
of peace, freedom, or common sense. And this is tremendously
encouraging--because it is happening while we are all under an enormous and
highly effective propaganda barrage and an almost complete absence of
contextual information from our national media, and because it suggests
that when basic, fundamental questions are raised, our purportedly
apathetic society does, in fact, care.
The Internet has made much of this possible. While the networks serve up
shallow soundbites, disinformation, and trivia, the gaps are filled by
alternative sites like workingforchange.com, alternet.org, zmag.org,
anti-war.com, commondreams.com; more mainstream sites like salon.com and
yahoo.com; Internet versions of major newspapers across the country; and
the Internet availability of foreign media outlets like the BBC
[www.bbc.co.uk], British newspapers like www.dailytelegraph.co.uk (Daily
Telegraph); www.guardian.co.uk (The Guardian); www.independent.co.uk (The
Independent, home of Robert Fisk, the single best English-language Middle
East reporter in the world); and the www.ireland.com (Irish Times). In
every region of the world, national newspapers generally have
English-language daily or weekly editions on the Web. All of this makes
available a bonanza of information and perspectives for those seeking it,
and in no previous era or conflict has this been true. And it was also the
Internet that helped make the sudden Congressional lobbying blitz and other
high-speed organizing possible.
Where to go from here? There are, to be sure, more mass street protests in
the works--major national ones are now slated for Jan. 18 in Washington,
San Francisco, and other cities, with "Potlucks for Peace" across Seattle
that day--but an encouraging number of other examples are being generated
by a generation almost entirely unaware of and uninterested in "What They
Did In The '60s." For numerous conflicts, citizen peacemakers are offering
nonviolent presence and accompaniment in the actual countries where
conflicts rage, particularly to great effect in Palestine. New groups like
the Nonviolent Peaceforce are organizing on the principle that committed
peacemakers should and can have the same self-discipline and take the same
personal risks in the name of peace that soldiers do for war. Sister-city
groups (now staples of local governments) and other church and community
initiatives help people travel to other countries--both from here to there
and from there to here--to describe and put a human face on the terrible
effects to real people that euphemisms like "collateral damage" obscure.
Here at home, alternative media--not just the Internet, but video and
community access TV; community, low power, and pirate radio; zines and
community newspapers; and political music, dance, and art--are flourishing
under the radar. New and revived forms of organizing are energizing people
not interested in traditional petitions, lobbying of Congress or the White
House, marches, meetings, and the Same Old Chants. The phenomenal early
December turnout at Garfield High School, where some 2,000 activists turned
out specifically to sign up for volunteer work, is an obvious example. So
was the euphoric student walk-out and march that week, organized and led
almost entirely by high school students.
Is evil afoot these days? Yep, and the omnicidal bipartisan stampede in
Washington (and the greedy bastards they work for) have a corner on the
market. But that has the advantage of letting us know where our work lies.
There's lots to do, and plenty of reasons to believe it can and will
matter; the outcome is clear only when we choose to stand idly by. Here's
to regime change at home in 2003.
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