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Wartime Depression
by Geov Parrish
Now is when it really hits.
After the initial wave of 24/7 news coverage and demonstrations in the
streets, the reality remains. The bastards are getting away with it.
The Bush Administration defied logic, international law, and the wishes of
virtually all humanity, and launched an unprovoked and unnecessary military
invasion of a country halfway around the world. Their rationales have all
been proven ridiculous -- there's been no weapons of mass destruction, no
Al Qaeda counter-attacks, and for damn sure no Iraqis welcoming the
Americans as liberators -- and nobody seems to care. The shock, horror,
grief, rage, sputtering impotence all finally echo away into silence. And
still the pundits chatter and the bombs fall.
What to do?
For me, in many ways, the U.S. street demonstrations of the first week were
nearly as depressing as the invasion itself. They were primal screams, by
definition unsustainable, when what is desperately needed is sustainable
responses. They were expressions of what protesters have felt they need to
say, rather that what protesters felt other Americans needed to see or
hear.
They have been reactions to what has been done, rather than demands for
what should be done now. They were the shopworn tactics, iconography, and
slogans of 40 years of left street protest. They have turned their backs on
the far broader segment of Americans who have in recent months also been
alarmed by this government's direction, but who have over a matter of
decades expressed quite clearly that they find the activist left's tactics,
iconography, and slogans to be profoundly unappealing.
This is what powerlessness does. Primal screams happen when there is
nothing else left, when citizens feel not only that they have not been
heard, but that by definition we will never be heard. It's barely removed
from simply giving up and tuning out -- which is what more people in
America than in any other Western democracy choose to do, and what many
current activists, in this war as in past ones, will also choose to do.
The thing is, I don't want to be heard. I want the policies to change, the
killing to stop, the living to start. If going mute would do that, I'd
happily go mute. Policy change isn't simply a function of decibel level or
of number of heads counted at a march; it's also a function of having clear
policy alternatives, and putting into power people willing to enact those
alternatives. Chanting "no justice, no peace! (Until we go home in an
hour)" is easy; building long term change is much harder. And "The People"
know it.
Until about a week before the invasion began, there was a clear alternative
to war: the inspection process, which at minimum bought time, at best was a
path out of an artificially induced, but nonetheless real, crisis. When
that was lost, so, too, were many members of the new anti-war movement,
because there was no "next step," no contingency plans in the peace
movement's demands beyond lame and hypocritical calls to "support the
troops."
Possibilities abound, from a movement to have the U.N., rather than United
States, take part or all of the post-invasion administration of Iraq --
something Europeans are demanding -- to a concerted push to unseat Bush in
2004. Yet at the moment more protesters are trying to impeach Bush (which
is not, repeat not, repeat NOT going to happen) than to elect a Democratic
president in less than 19 months.
This isn't simply a matter of pragmatism; it's also earning, in the
public's eyes, the legitimacy to make moral as well as pragmatic demands.
In modern American politics, the messenger is as important as the message,
and one does not gain moral legitimacy simply by having one's policy
preferences ignored. I guarantee, for example, that a thousand people
registering new anti-war voters would get far more attention and respect,
with more lasting impact, than last week's protests -- from the public,
from decision-makers, and from those numbers opposed to the war and to
freeway blockades.
You're an anarchist and hate electoral politics? Fine. Don't just sit down
in front of cars because we're waging a war to feed our SUVs and everyone
should abandon theirs, and then wonder why people who could be on your side
but need to get to work are angry at you and vote for Bush next year.
Resist taxes, and teach others to do the same (locally, the Nonviolent
Action Community of Cascadia, at 206-547-0952 or www.nacc.info, has tons of
resources and counseling on how to do it.) Teach tax resistance (and
redirection). Start some alternative community institutions that meet a
need other than your own.
The socialist and anarchist movements of a century ago had some traction
because they started with the community's needs, not their own ideas. Take
some risks that mean something to other people, not just to you and your
friends. For goodness sakes, even take some time to study something about
political science, military science, communication, mass psychology,
something, anything more goal-oriented than what most of the protest left
has over the past 30 years ossified as.
Long-term or even short-term organizing is not as much fun as marching on a
freeway, but then, the people on the front lines waging this war probably
aren't having much fun, either. A lot of them probably don't want to be
there; some probably don't even like the orders they're getting. But they
signed on to do what was necessary, up to and possibly including death, for
a larger cause. That's a major reason why virtually every segment of
American society gives them respect. Religious figures, until proven
otherwise, command the same respect for much the same reason.
In the public's eyes, the average demonstrator, and the theoretically moral
movement he or she represents, has done nothing within light-years of that
level of moral legitimacy. Protesters may disagree, but if we want to
change policy in this country, whose opinion is more important -- that of
the advocate, or the advocate's audience?
The United States, at the moment, is careening away wildly from all but one
country -- Israel -- in terms of how its public views the world. For those
of us who do want to challenge it, there's much we can't control. Barriers
to such changes in U.S. public perception are formidable. The military
complex in this country has enormous money behind it, enough to employ
millions of people earning (except for the soldiers) a comfortable living
building pieces of a repugnantly employed whole. Mass media is currently
dominated by a range of political opinion that makes Genghis Khan a
centrist, and that acknowledges dissent usually only in the course of
ridiculing it. Both major political parties are corrupted by corporate
money almost beyond redemption.
But what we can control is what we say (and hear), how we act, who we
appeal to and work with, and to what ends. Much of the political rhetoric
in this country, from both the rabid right and progressive activists --
with or without a war in progress -- is so over the top and intolerant as
to be anathema to a secular democracy, and many Americans yearn for
something better. What is lacking is a coherent, appealing alternative.
Times of crisis and maximum dissent are precisely when those alternatives
should be on display -- not when they should be abandoned for the protest
equivalent of comfort food.
Many of us who have opposed this war feel frustrated and powerless; it is
an emotionally charged time. Remember this sensation. Remember how
unpleasant it is. Then resolve to do what you can to ensure that neither
you nor future generations of people who care about their world will be put
in this place again. And start -- or continue -- working to do something
about it.
It's a long, sometimes frustrating, sometimes exhilarating process, but
somebody's gotta destroys this system and build something new, before it
destroys all of us. It might as well be us. Consider the alternative.
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