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How "Civil" is Mike McGavick?
by Jeff Stevens
As the 2006 US midterm elections begin slowly creeping onto the
political horizon, now's as good a time as any to start paying attention
to certain still-unknown politicians who will also increasingly creep
into our daily political lives over the next nine months--some appearing
like shining saviors, others like merciless migraines.
When faced with unknown politicos, it's often wise to focus on the
language they use to sell themselves, particularly their persistent
catchphrases. Do they obsessively and phonetically fixate on "freedom"?
"Security"? "Terror"? "Frivolous lawsuits"?
How about "civility"?
Now there's a loaded lexeme screaming for semantic dismantlement.
There may still be places in America where the word "civility" might
charm and disarm the politically naive, but in cynical Seattle, there's
a certain savvy batch of activists who learned long ago to check for
their wallets upon hearing a politician utter that suspiciously sugary
word. Many still remember how "civility" was once used as a clever code
for draconian social policies, advocated by certain Seattle city mothers
and fathers, which in fact were designed to remove the city's poor and
vulnerable from public view and in turn to make Seattle safe for the
rich and boring.
For such activists, the word "civility" likely invokes the ironically
sordid specter of Mark Sidran, former longtime Seattle City Attorney and
a chief architect of Seattle's controversial dot-com-era "civility
laws," which included bans on sitting on public sidewalks, drinking in
public parks, and urinating in public. Enacted beginning in 1993 and
defended by Sidran and his allies in the downtown business establishment
as a means to promote "civility" in Seattle's downtown core, these laws
had the de facto effect of punishing Seattle's homeless people for their
plight, while conveniently ignoring similar behavior by, for example,
affluent patrons of the Pioneer Square drinking district.
Such cognitive and moral dissonance led many in Seattle to conclude at
the time that, to paraphrase a certain folk wisdom, civility is as
civility does.
Now in 2006, there's a brand-new local politico claiming the "civility"
mantle as he seeks a mandate and a steady paycheck from the people. Only
it's not merely Seattle sought by this fresh face as his jurisdiction,
it's the US Senate, by way of Washington State. On Saturday, Jan. 21,
former Safeco CEO and Republican lobbyist Mike McGavick held an official
campaign kickoff event at Seattle Center to launch his quest to unseat
Democratic Sen. Maria Cantwell, which he announced back in July after
resigning from Safeco, leaving behind a $7.3 million salary. Among other
lofty promises, McGavick claimed at the kickoff that he would bring a
"voice of"--you guessed it--"civility" to Washington, DC. Dramatically
lamenting the need for such positive change in the US Senate, McGavick
cited the Democrats' aggressive questioning of Supreme Court nominee
Samuel Alito, expressing deep conservative compassion for Alito's wife,
who famously fled one hearing in tears, overwhelmed by the viciousness
with which the Democrats carried out their constitutional duties that day.
"I think all of us turned in shame and disgust at the sham the Senate
has become," McGavick dramatically declared.
So Mike McGavick is a maven of manners--all very well and good. However,
turning to the difference between McGavick's rhetoric and his political
agenda, perhaps we should ask: Is privatization "civil"?
It's a good question to ask of McGavick, since privatization of public
institutions happens to be at the core of his agenda, like many before
him who have come from the private sector seeking public office.
McGavick is already noted in certain activist circles for comments he
made in September 2002, while he was still Safeco CEO, advocating the
privatization of higher education in Washington State. During his
keynote address that month at the annual meeting of the Greater Seattle
Chamber of Commerce, McGavick called for the privatization of the
University of Washington and Washington State University:
"It is time to explore seriously whether over the next decade, we should
either string the string or cut the cord and let the University of
Washington and Washington State University operate more privately. Get
them out of the budget fight and let them move on.... I know many of you
are thinking, 'Now, wait a minute! There's a big public mission at the
universities.' No doubt, but here's the sad truth.... The sad truth is
our institutions are becoming more elite even as they face a budget
crisis. We need to explore independence for those institutions."
Apparently for McGavick, the definition of "civility" encompasses
restrained behavior in Washington, DC (for example, Democrats rolling
over and playing dead while Republicans ram through extremist
legislation and confirm extremist Bush appointees), while excluding such
behavior as supporting public institutions that empower working class
citizens.
This should serve as a red flag for Washington state voters.
Privatization of public higher education would drastically increase the
disempowerment of the working class that has already been in play during
the past decade--especially in Washington State--as tuition at the UW
and WSU has increased at an alarming rate of 78 percent during that
time, according to the Washington State Higher Education Coordinating
Board. At the UW, current resident undergraduate tuition, including
fees, is $5,610 per year and climbing (compared to $3,019 for the
1995-96 academic year), and the state has already cut its support for
the UW over the years down to 12 percent of its total operating budget.
Congressional Republicans have led recent efforts to further gut student
financial aid and other higher education funding at the federal level,
including a proposed $12.7 billion cut in student aid that Congress may
already have passed by the time this issue of ETS! goes to print.
At this early stage in the race, McGavick does not appear to be a great
threat to Cantwell--especially given Cantwell's recent boost from her
Dec. 21 ANWR victory. But with his pro-business and pro-privatization
agenda (not to mention his over-the-top military boosterism--at Seattle
Center he trotted out the myth that 9/11 mandated the US invasion of
Iraq), McGavick's candidacy should be watched closely by Washington
State progressives. He is currently considered the leading contender
against Cantwell, and has already raised more than $1.5 million, seven
months before the state primary elections in September. He also has
backing from none other than Slade Gorton, Washington's former
Republican US senator, who Cantwell defeated in 2000--and who McGavick
once worked for, first as campaign manager and later as chief of staff.
He could easily emerge as a formidable opponent as November approaches.
For voters, it should boil down to the question of whether the US Senate
needs the kind of "civility" Mike McGavick intends to bring if elected,
or whether it needs more debate, more dissent, more filibusters against
extremist legislation and judicial nominees--in short, less "civility"
and more democracy. Then there's the question of whether public
government should serve private interests or the public good. Lexically
and civically speaking, it should be an obvious choice.
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